Legislator legislator (13 Ergebnisse)

Hardcover. Zustand: Good. 1st Edition. 320 pages. Red cloth (spine faded, slight rubbing).

PAP. Zustand: New. New Book. Shipped from UK. Established seller since 2000.

PAP. Zustand: New. New Book. Shipped from UK. Established seller since 2000.

HRD. Zustand: New. New Book. Shipped from UK. Established seller since 2000.

HRD. Zustand: New. New Book. Shipped from UK. Established seller since 2000.

John Milne Edition. Good copy in the original printed stiff-card wrappers; edges somewhat nicked and dust-dulled as with age. Particularly and surprisingly well-preserved; tight, bright, clean and strong; 203 pages; Description: 203 p ; 18 cm. Subject: Protectionism 1 Kg.

First Edition. Very good copy in the original gilt-blocked cloth over bevelled boards. Minor wear to spine with panel edges somewhat dulled and rubbed as with age. Worn emblem to front panel. Some foxing to prelims, with previous owner's signature to ffep. Corners sharp with an overall tight, bright and clean impression.; 8vo 8" - 9" tall; 320 pages; Physical desc. : viii, 320p. ; 23cm. Subject: Economics - Free trade. 1 Kg.…

First Edition. Near fine copy in the original gilt-blocked cloth with bevelled edges. Slightest suggestion only of dust-dulling to the spine bands and panel edges. Remains particularly well-preserved overall; tight, bright, clean and strong.; 320 pages; Physical desc. : viii, 320 p. ; 23 cm. Subject: Economics. 2 Kg. …

First Edition. Very good copy in the original gilt-blocked cloth. Slightest suggestion only of dust-dulling, with minor rubbing to the spine bands and panel edges. Remains well-preserved overall; tight, bright, clean and strong. ; 320 pages; Physical desc. : viii, 320 p. ; 23 cm. Subject: Economics. 2 Kg. …

Pre-war pocket-sized guide providing the correct referee's resolutions to both common and unusual scenarios arising during football matches, with diagrams. 12 x 9.5cms. 48pp. Paperback. Good condition with rusted staples removed.

Four closely written pages, 12mo, bifolium, good condition. He initially responds to Rogers' comments "about the question of 'Britain & England'". "You say you 'decline to recognise that the history of England, Scotland, Wales or Ireland, is of any importance beside the history of England whether politically, constitutionally or economically - at any rate until the present century'. Now with all due deference, this seems to me to be beside the question. The title, or rather one of the titles of your father's book [ROGERS (James E. Thorold)] is 'England's Industrial & Commercial Supremacy'. If this means anything, it means England's present supremacy & as such a title is evidently an international one, i.e. the association of England's present [underlined] industrial supremacy amomng the nations of the earth, I maintain that such a title is a misnomer, and moreover a slight & an offence to Scotland, Ireland & Wales. In the first palce England as an individual nation or an international entity does not exist. Since 1707, there has been, internationally, no England: for by the Treaty of Union of that date, England agreed, in consideration of value received so to speak, to give up her name of England for ever [phrase underlined]: the words I have italicised are part of the Treaty, & are embodied in the first article of the Union - so if England has any industrial or Commercial supremacy now [underlined], as part of Britain, she certainly had no claim to any such position before 1707. She was then very far from being first in any thing except in Constitional development & political freedom - certainly a very important point. But the great & cardinal fact, that I wish to point out is, that it was only the union with Scotland, which gave England her industrial [strength?]. Had Scotland remained hostile to England, as Ireland continued, sad to say, owing to misgovernment & oppression, continues to be - there can be little doubt I think that there would have been no occasion to write a book about either 'England's' or 'Britain's' industrial supremacy. It was the security obtained by England from the Union with Scotland, which started the northern half of England in that wonderful course of industrial development which is now the wonder of the world. Your father in one part of his book I think candidly [avows?] this,tho' he refers it further back to the Union of the Crown under James I & VI (see page 317)- But if this be so, & I think it is indubitable - then it is grossly unfair & even offensive to Scottish national sentiment to use a [title?], which implies not merely that Scotland has no share in this industrial supremacy, but that internationally she is but an English province. On this point of unfairness see your father's remarks in page 458 - beginning with the Words 'It is in the last degree irregular to dismiss a recognised unfairness &c'. | In the latter part of your letter, you allude to the colonies, & say their political & economic history 'except in a few particulars -' is as imprtant as that of Wales Ireland or Scotland - but I do not presume that the Australians wd like to be told they were not Australians' you say -'but Britons - you then allude to India, & its races - 'the Parsees, & the Hindoos surely they are not Britons' you say. Pardon my saying that I do not see the relevancy of the remarks - We start from an international unit 'Britain' - for the term is generic to all the British Isles. This is the only foundation for our being as a people or nations - regarded from an international point of view. From that point of view there is no England - & any attempt to ignore this, is simply a discrediting of the English name, because it is the assertion of a disgraceful breach of faith towards Scotland especially. This being the case, the proper name for the people of these colonies is not English Australians but British Australians, because Australia is not an English Colony but a British one. The Hindoos are neither Englishmen nor Britishmen, but they are British subjects, not English subjects. When we speak of Englishment, Scotsmen or Irishmen we speak of the race [underlined], or people, not of the Empire or Kingdom: & so when we speak of the people of the United Kingdom as a whole, we must use a term which includes the four nationalities. British is the only word which does this. Therefore British-man or Britons is the true term for the whole people of the United Kingdom: so follow teh term British Austrlain British Canadian. British South Africans. British Indians &c. The wonder to me only is that fair-minded Englishmen such as I take you to be, do not see this [?]. It seems to me as obvious. Your father [promptly?] recognised the truth, when it was brought under his notice in the [?] in the House of Commons". .…

Munford was a prominent Virginian by virtue of family associations, education, land-holding, military service, and local and legislative office-holding. This document dates from the period of his Halifax County clerkship service (1760-1773) and may or may not be in his hand. Very few letters and documents identified as his are known and they exhibit considerable hand-writing variation (see Rodney Blaine's Robert Munford: America's First Comic Dramatist, p. 104, for an analysis of related evidence). Historians retrospectively grant Munford national prominence for literary work inspired by his professional and social experiences. His plays of the 1770s count as the first American farce and comedy. In them he mocked Virginia's political and social scene: specifically colonial elections in The Candidates and, in The Patriots, such persisting American issues as conflicting loyalties and war-time suspicion of minority groups. This writ is among the rare survivors of Munford's professional life.…

Zustand: Very Good. Small quarto, 2 pages (the first leaf of a bifolium). Horizontal and vertical creases where folded for posting; last (blank) page a little marked; in excellent condition. The letter is addressed to James Charles Coke, then the company's mine storekeeper at Burra, and relates to procedures for the 'sampling, weighing, taking water weight etc.' of copper ores. It is accompanied by a second document in Ayers' hand, also signed by him (4 pages, a uniform bifolium), copying 'a detailed statement of the system adopted here in sampling, drying for water weight &c. &c. of ore' from Messrs. Leach, Richardson & Co., copper merchants in Swansea, Wales. 'The Ayers and Cokes had emigrated on the same ship, the former in Steerage and the Cokes in the Cabin . James [Coke] was well placed to fill the gaps in Henry's knowledge in this new sphere of activity. Coke's brother-in-law, the well-credentialed Captain William Llewellyn Powell . maintained a faithful correspondence during the years of James' absence in the colony. He supplied James with both merchandise for selling in Adelaide and inside information on James' parent merchanting house in Swansea: Leach, Richardson and Company' (Jason Shute: 'Henry Ayers: The Man Who Became A Rock'). The relationship, initially occasionally fraught, became increasingly fruitful. In October 1849 Coke accepted a post as the SAMA's mine storekeeper at Burra. The 'Australian Dictionary of Biography' describes Sir Henry Ayers (1821-1897) as a 'legislator and businessman'; the details are a great deal more interesting than that. 'He emigrated, as a carpenter, with free passages for himself and his bride, and arrived in 1840 in Adelaide. He worked as a law clerk in the office of (Sir) James Fisher until 1845, when he was appointed secretary of the South Australian Mining Association; its copper mines at Burra Burra yielded fifteen dividends of 200 per cent each in the next five years. Ayers had bought forty-five of the original £5 shares, and by 1850 controlled sufficient votes of absentee shareholders to be elected managing director of the association. On 9 March 1857 Ayers entered the first Legislative Council under responsible government in South Australia, the youngest member elected. Though still fully occupied with his own and his clients' lucrative business, he soon made his mark as a forceful politician': not least, he was Premier of SA for a record seven times between 1863 and 1873 . [2 items]. Signed.…