Franke jan david (8 Ergebnisse)
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Taschenbuch. Zustand: Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Essay from the year 2016 in the subject Didactics - Politics, Political Education, grade: 1, Oxford University, language: English, abstract: 'Nation, nationality, nationalism - all have proved notoriously difficult to define, let alone to analyse', A…nderson writes somewhat consternated before trying to change just that in about two-hundred pages. In this essay, I shall have a go at the principle of national self-determination in about a fiftieth of the space and sketch its impact on the international system. For that purpose, I will first establish a neo-realist conception of the international system and define national self-determination to then go on and delineate how the latter has hurt the former. By looking at two historical cases, Nazi-Germany and decolonization, I will focus on the way self-determination highlights the independent significance of norms in international order, undermines the balance of power and - while seemingly cementing an international Westphalian system of stable states - is a continuous force of disruption within it.
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Taschenbuch. Zustand: Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Essay from the year 2016 in the subject Politics - Other International Politics Topics, grade: 1, Oxford University, language: English, abstract: With the collapse of the Soviet Union the United States benefitted from an unprecedented unipolar moment… in its establishment of unilateral hegemony, be that in the form of a modern empire as Johnson (2000) and Todd (2004) argue, as an empire by invitation (Lundestad, 2003), or as liberal hegemon (Ikenberry, 2011). All of these authors feature vast disagreements regarding hierarchy and coercion in American hegemony but accept the same premise: a post-Cold War unipolar American world order. Many argue that as the unipolar moment is waning, American hegemony, and the norms, practices, and institutions of international society it has so predominantly shaped, are being challenged, however, by both the rise of other actors, first and foremost China but also a re-emerging Russia, and the endogenous deconstruction of American hegemony (see Todd's (2004) argument on demographics and social norms and most recently the advent of power by a protectionist, isolationist nativism). In this paper I will add to that debate by evaluating the extent to which China has been socialized into international society since the end of the Cold War and, on that basis, examining what is to be expected for the future both in terms of China's course and the implications thereof for international society. I will do so by amalgamating many different approaches and schools of thought in an attempt to be 'paradigmatically prudent' (cp. Monteiro & Ruby, 2009). First, I will sketch the discussion in the literature on China's rise and contrast it by means of a syncretic framework of intentions and outcomes based on Schweller & Xiaoyu (2011) and Goh (2005). Within that framework, I present optimist and pessimist approaches derived from realism, liberal institutionalism, and constructivism and the various analytical categories they place emphasis on. I will then argue that an integration of these polarized perspectives is necessary to provide an accurate and realistic account of China's past, present, and future role in international society that places particular importance on differentiated spheres of geopolitical influence.
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Taschenbuch. Zustand: Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Essay from the year 2016 in the subject Politics - General and Theories of International Politics, grade: 1, Oxford University, language: English, abstract: What do the Ghanaian Convention People's Party, the Narmada Bachao Andolan, and the Occupy mo…vement have in common Answer: they all are (Southern) social movements inhabiting and representing the subaltern. What is more, they are indicative of how the dynamics in which such social movements are embedded and to which they respond have changed and of the subsequent transformative impact that has had on counter-hegemonic social action and representation. In this paper, I will first delineate three waves of Southern social movements, namely national liberation, anti-developmentalist, and anti-neoliberal movements, trace their dialectic interlinkages, and address their differentiated levels of success. To that end, I will shed light on one particular social movement of each phase and discuss how they contended with the prevailing status quo, their motivations, aims, and achievements. I will then argue that, as both the spaces and groups they represent and the structural mechanisms they oppose have become consolidated, deterritorialized, and globalized, we should reject the state-based North-South binary in favor of a cosmopolitan rearticulation of Marxist class antagonism that makes the transnational subaltern the centerpiece of both oppression and resistance. Thereby, I am endorsing the post-sovereign counter-hegemonic project which does not only recognize the inexorability of globalization but also the dialectic potential inherent in that fact.
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Taschenbuch. Zustand: Neu. Druck auf Anfrage Neuware - Printed after ordering - Essay from the year 2011 in the subject Sociology - Political Sociology, Majorities, Minorities, grade: 1.0, Jacobs University Bremen gGmbH, course: Mass Beliefs and Democracy, language: English, abstract: In the early 2011 the people of many Arabic…countries decided to no longer take the repressions that they had been subjected to for decades. Starting with the self-ignition of a young Tunisian, the call for deposition of the despots, for the granting of basic civil and human rights and thereby for democracy lead to a movement - often referred to as 'the Arab Spring' - never seen before in that region of the earth. In Tunisia and Egypt the demonstrators accomplished to remove the potentates remaining peacefully despite the violent suppressions they were facing. In Lybia the rebels eventually gained power through a civil war being supported by the United Nations and the NATO. In Yemen and Syria the situation can still develop in several directions. In Bahrain endeavors have been violently nipped in the bud. Morocco, however, remains a puzzling exception. In my paper I will analyze the possible explanations the WorldValuesSurvey offers for the relatively reserved uprisings observed in Morocco. Therefore the 'fundamental predispositions in favor of democratic orders'(p189) by Lasswell and especially the complementing 'dogmatism scale' by Rokeach - as both discussed in Welzel (2007) - will serve as the theoretical foundation for assessing certain results given by the WVS. Rokeach's explanatory approach can basically be seen as the reversed analysis on the same issue: Lasswell provides preconditions that facilitate democratic behavior in an individual, Rokeach measures the 'closed'-mindedness that prevents democratic behavior in an individual, therefore both approaches can be perceived as complementing. I will focus my analysis on Rokeach's dogmatism scale. The perception that an open-mindedness towards other human beings and its various manifestations plays an important role in several areas is retrievable in many fields of social science, for example Putnam5 argues that it is crucial for social capital and civicness, Inglehart that post-materialism fosters open-mindedness in social coherences.
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Taschenbuch. Zustand: Neu. Neuware - Essay from the year 2012 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: Development Politics, grade: 1.3, Jacobs University Bremen gGmbH, course: USC - Theories of Development, language: English, abstract: Somalia is a country in the East of Africa, situated at the horn of Africa w…ith a population of ca. 9.3 million (BTI 2012). In this part of the world, life is hard (e.g. infant mortality rate: 10%) and short (life expectancy at birth: 51 years). 'Freedom in the World 2012' by Freedom House gives Somalia the worst possible rating both for political rights and civil liberties. It ranks at place 223 of 227 in terms of GDP per capita (CIA Factbook, 2012). The Global Peace Index lists Somalia as the most dangerous country in the world while the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia (TFG), which is supported by the United Nations, the African Union and the United States, merely controls parts of the capital Mogadishu (Bruton, 2009). Around 40% of Somali territory is occupied by a radical muslim militia called Al-Shabab. The famine that befell the horn of Africa in 2011 struck Somalia worst, a country, which is mostly referred to as a 'failed state' for 20 years now. The situation in Somalia, so much is clear, is very serious and appalling in a variety of fields. But why is that In this paper I will describe Somalia's recent development in the framework introduced by Szirmai (2005: pp. 29-33), using his 9 characteristics of developing countries for classification, and - building up on that - inquire into possible explanations for its deficiencies and its failure as a state.
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Taschenbuch. Zustand: Neu. Somalia - Development and Failure | Jan-David Franke | Taschenbuch | Aus der Reihe: [.] stipendiaten-wissen | 20 S. | Englisch | 2013 | GRIN Verlag | EAN 9783656542193 | Verantwortliche Person für die EU: GRIN Publishing GmbH, Waltherstr. 23, 80337 München, info[at]grin[dot]com | Anbieter: preigu.
