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Zustand: New. KlappentextrnrnThere is a strong debate among many airmen today over the interpretation of the Air Force s centralized control and decentralized execution tenant. This debate was highlighted recently at three separate Air Command and Staff Colle.
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Taschenbuch. Zustand: Neu. Neuware.
Sprache: Englisch
Verlag: British Library, Historical Print Editions Dez 2012, 2012
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Taschenbuch. Zustand: Neu. Neuware - There is a strong debate among many airmen today over the interpretation of the Air Force's centralized control and decentralized execution tenant. This debate was highlighted recently at three separate Air Command and Staff College (ACSC) lectures.1 Lt Gen (ret) Walter E. Buchanan's lecture…to the student class detailed his experiences as an air component commander. He briefly mentioned the concerns over centralized control and decentralized execution.2 This led to numerous student questions addressing the application (or misapplication) of the tenant during recent operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. Next, Gen (ret) Gregory S. 'Speedy' Martin stated during his lecture to the ACSC class the tenant should be considered more as 'centralized distribution'.3 Finally, during a lecture from Lt Col Brian Searcy detailing his experiences as Director of Combat Operations during Afghanistan air operations in 2005, he declared that Phase IV operations are inherently more centralized and that this now 'is a fact of life'.4 He went on to point out that future data link technology will allow operational levels of leadership to have very detailed information from tactical level assets. This will include such items as 'fuel readings'. Overall, these lectures provided excellent examples why there is confusion among airmen today over centralized control and decentralized execution.This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
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Buch. Zustand: Neu. Neuware - An Iran with nuclear weapons would greatly increase the risk of other nations in the Middle East following suit, especially Saudi Arabia, resulting in a possible nuclear 'Domino Effect' throughout the region. This research paper focuses on the likely Saudi Arabian reactions to counter and ultimately… deter an Iran with a nuclear weapons program. Overall, Iran could pursue four different options with regard to its nuclear weapons program: virtual (e.g. Japan), ambiguous (e.g. Israel), declared (e.g. North Korea), or elimination (e.g. Brazil, Libya). This paper contends that Iran will pursue a virtual program and attempt to remain a party in good standing in the NPT, but have the capacity in-place to quickly build nuclear weapons. To the Iranian leadership, a virtual program would meet their national security interests of regime survival, protecting the homeland, and increasing regional influence. Saudi Arabia looks across the Persian Gulf and sees four grave threats: Iran's pursuit of regional hegemonic power, the impacts of a broadening Shi'a vs. Sunni religious-divide and escalating conflict, the possibility of Iranian missile attacks on its homeland, and the possible weakening of U.S. credibility with respect to its security guarantees with Saudi Arabia. These perceived threats, along with Iran's virtual capability, will eventually drive Saudi Arabia to pursue a nuclear weapons program of their own. This paper concludes that Saudi Arabia in the short-term will seek to 'borrow' nuclear weapons from Pakistan. This agreement might also involve deployment of Pakistani Air Force nuclear-capable fighters onto Saudi soil. Similar to U.S. deployment of tactical nuclear weapons onto European soil, this 'borrow' option would allow Saudi Arabia to remain a party in good standing in the NPT, thereby reducing the possibility of international sanctions. In the long-term Saudi Arabia will construct the infrastructure, obtain required technology, and train the scientists necessar.
