Manuskripte & Papierantiquitäten, alfred marks (13 Ergebnisse)

Vintage black-and-white British front-of-house card from the 1956 UK film. A truck driver picks up a lady hitchhiker, drop her off at her request, and she is subsequently murdered. The police suspect Johnny, the truck driver, as he was the last to see the woman alive. 8 x 10 inches. A couple of light creases, else Near Fine.

8vo. Unpaginated. Pale card covers lettered in black. Illustrated in black and white throughout. With a letter from the author to David Waterhouse and his wife. David Waterhouse was the grandson of Alfred Waterhouse, architect of Girton College, Cambridge and The Natural History Museum amongst other English university buildings. Good condition, with some fading along edges, and a few marks to covers including a cup ring and some small spots. Pages clean and unmarked throughout.

Photopostkarte. Zustand: Gut. Portraitpostkarte von Charles Buchel von 1927, bildseitig von Leon Lion mit schwarzer Tinte signiert, papierbedingte Seitenbräunung /// Leon Marks Lion (12 March 1879 - 28 March 1947) was an English stage and film actor, playwright, theatrical director and producer.[2][3][4] He starred in Joseph Jefferson Farjeon's 1925 hit play Number 17 as well as its subsequent 1932 film adaptation by Alfred Hitchcock. Selected filmography The Woman Who Was Nothing (1915) Hard Times (1915) The Chinese Puzzle (1919) Chin Chin Chinaman (1932) Number Seventeen (1932) The Chinese Puzzle (1932) The Amazing Quest of Ernest Bliss (1936) Strange Boarders (1938) Crackerjack (1938) /// Autogramm Autograph signiert signed signee /// Standort Wimregal PKis-Box4-U014 Sprache: Englisch Gewicht in Gramm: 10.

Hardcover. Octavo, v-vi, 5-100, [6], 7-94, [4], 3-83, [6], 7-114, 137-140 (accidental insertion); 115-119, ix-xii, 17-186, [2], 49-51, mispagination (25), 53-188, [4, plates], 239-345, [4], 193-388 pp. Good; bound in contemporary leather with black spine label and gilt titling, with surface marks and scratches, scattered areas of red paste or paint, wear to spine edges and corners; boards slightly shaken, but binding else tight; text block with some discoloration; foxing and age toning to pages throughout; previous owner name in ink on ffep "David M. Wachter, M.D. Washington University Baltimore, February 6th 1845;" MF consignment. 1359889. Special Collections.

4to. English manuscript in black felt-tip pen on paper. 10 pp. Together with two copies of a typescript with corrections. An excerpt from Henry Miller's 1979 publication "Joey. A Loving Portrait of Alfred Perlès Together With Some Bizarre Episodes Relating to the Other Sex" for Irving Stettner's Stroker Magazine, where it appeared under the final title "Vienna and Back", rather than "Love and Sex", as suggested by Miller in the manuscript. In the autograph note in the margin of the first page, Miller explains to his secretary Sandy: "I cut this out of 'Joey' and sent it to Stettner for his 'Stroker'". - The short story tells of the meeting and Viennese love affair of a young American woman, Nelly, with a swindler called Albert, that is cut short because of Albert's pending trial and Nelly's romantic expectations, aware that her lover is only interested in her for sex. The opening of the story foreshadows the end of the affair: "She was unquestionably a sexy bitch, one would say. And he, well he was like a guy without a pair of balls. An odd couple, truly. They had met on a trans-continental flight. Both were headed to the same place: Vienna". Nelly breaks up this odd couple within a week and returns to her native Shreveport in Louisiana without regrets, asserting: "I will always be thankful for the things you taught me. You were just wonderful in bed. But we don't spend our whole life in bed, do we?" Albert, on the other hand, is more affected than he could have imagined: "For the first time in his life Albert knew what is meant by the pangs of love". - Henry Miller and Irving Stettner (1922-2004) collaborated from 1978 to 1980. An edition of Miller's contributions to Stroker Magazine, including "Vienna and Back", appeared under the title "From Your Capricorn friend" in 1984, four years after Miller's death. - With old staple marks. Well preserved.

Bremen, 12. VII. 1922, Gr.-8°. 1 Seite. Glattes Papier. An den Zeichner Alfred Kubin: "Entschuldigen Sie, verehrter Alfred Kubin, aber ich muss Ihnen unbedingt einen schönen Gruss schicken und herzlichen Dank dazu. Eigentlich aus gar keinem Grund. Bloss, weil Sie auf der Welt sind. E. W. Bredts Buch [über Kubin; 1922; Marks A-65] habe ich mir vor drei Tagen hier gekauft und blättere immer darin und schaue mir die Reproduktionen an, wie ein kleines Kind das erste Märchenbuch anschaut. Komplimente und hohle Redensarten erwarten Sie sowieso nicht. Aber seit der Will Scheller in Cassel mir das gezeigt hat, was er von Ihnen besitzt, und so schauderhaft von Ihnen geschwärmt hat, bin ich Ihnen nun bis auf weiteres sehr zugetan - auf die Gefahr hin, dass Ihnen das wurscht ist [.]".

8vo. 4 pp. on bifolium. To a Minister, possibly Théodore Steeg, asking him to intervene with the Minister of War Henri Maurice Berteaux on behalf of the writer and military officer Alfred Droin (1878-1967), then orderly officer of the former governor-general of French Indochina Antony Klobukowski, for promotion to the rank of captain: "Je viens vous demander pour M. Alfred Droin votre haute protection [.]. Monsieur Alfred Droin officier d'ordonnance de Monsieur Klobukowski est proposé par celui-ci pour le grade de capitaine et je vous demande de bien vouloir l'appuyer avec votre energique capacité auprès du Ministre de la Guerre ; si vous disiez un mot à Monsieur Berteaux pour son inscription d'office la chose se ferait de suite. Monsieur Droin est un homme de tout confiance qui vient de passer un an dans l'Indo-Chine [.]". - On mourning paper with printed address. With recipient's marks in crayon.

8vo. 1 p. on bifolium. To his fiancée Emily Tennyson (1813-96), sister of Hallam's close friend Alfred, Lord Tennyson: a brief yet engaging love letter which opens sweetly with "Cara, carissima, let me hear from you". Hallam goes on to describe his concerns over Emily's health - a common theme in his letters sent to her: "Alfred gives a pretty good account of your health, and Arthur says you have a great colour. Thank Heaven. I shall be soon with you, unless I am cruelly deceived in my expectations". After apologising for being unable to write a longer letter, he expresses his concerns and his love for her: "I have not now time to write more; daily or hourly I think of you, and hope in you: should that hope fail me, Emily, do not think I can recover the wound. For my sake endure & hope & trust in the affection of those about you: these will be fearful times for all who are not strengthened in love". - Alfred, Lord Tennyson and Hallam met when they were students at Cambridge and quickly became friends through their shared interest in poetry. Hallam fell in love with Tennyson's sister Emily while visiting their home in 1829 over Christmas; the couple became engaged in 1830, though Hallam's father would not allow them to announce their engagement before he was twenty-one, in 1832. Hallam's sudden death while visiting Vienna in 1833 prevented their marriage. Emily would marry Lt. Richard Jesse in 1842. Hallam was immortalized by Lord Tennyson's famous elegy, "In Memoriam A.H.H". - Folding marks, browning, stains. - Sotheby's, 25 July 1978, lot 396.

8vo. 1 page on a bifolium. In German. To his patron, the Viennese lawyer and collector Alfred Spitzer (1861-1923): "Ich habe bis zur Stunde leider noch nicht Nachricht ob und wieviel an Geld [ich] von Goltz und einem Kunsthändler in Dresden, von denen ich einiges erwarte, bekomme; - was also mit den Zahlungen geschehen wird, die ich diesen 25. leisten soll, weiß ich nicht, - jedenfalls werde ich sobald ich etwas bekomme augenblicklich meine Pflicht tun. Sollte dies aber nicht eintreffen! könnten Sie, selbst nicht für mich dies bezahlen? - wir würden uns schon ausgleichen mit einem kleineren Bild [.]" ("Unfortunately, I have so far not received any notice as to whether and how much money I shall be having from Goltz and an art dealer in Dresden, from both of whom I expect not insubstantial sums; - hence, I do not know what will happen regarding the payments that I am to make on the 25th inst., - in any case I will do my duty immediately upon my receiving anything. But failing that - could not you pay this for me, yourself? - I have no doubt but we should find a way to settle accounts through a smallish canvas [.]", transl.). Indeed, the expected payment arrived the next day, when Schiele received 100 marks from Hans Goltz, his art dealer in Munich. - One small ink smudge and a few creases, otherwise in excellent state of preservation.

4to. French and Arabic manuscript on paper by two or three hands. (12), 19 pp., 4 blank pp., (1), 46, 13 pp., blank verso. In original wrapper with handwritten title. French translation of an essay on the Latin transcription of the Arabic alphabet by the renowned oriental scholar H. A. Barb, the first translator of the "Sharaf-nama". The slim work was published in German in 1860 as "Die Transcription des arabischen Alphabetes". Although no French translation of this work is known to have appeared in print, the corrections and annotations scattered throughout the manuscript suggest that it was either an effort by Barb himself - although at least two hands can be identified for the main text - or drawn up by his students and merely revised by Barb. Apart from the preface and chapters 1 and 2 as well as parts of chapters 3 and 4 of the "Transcription", it includes a 41-page section in Arabic script that does not appear in the German publication. While the corrections in the preface and the first two chapters are done in pencil, those found in chapters 3 and 4 are executed in red crayon, mainly numbering the examples in the German publication, here merely referenced by the scribe. The Arabic section (possibly in a third hand) shows several corrections in pencil as well as annotations in blue crayon, including several question marks. - Barb, a native of Galicia, served as the director of Vienna's Oriental Academy (now the Diplomatic Academy). He converted to Catholicism in 1884 while in his first year of law at the University of Vienna and rose in the Austrian civil service to the rank of Hofrat, a distinction rarely accorded to those of Jewish ancestry. As a scholar he received recognition both at home and abroad for his contributions towards the study of Persian and oriental languages. - Large tear to lower cover, small tears to spine. Interior somewhat browned and brownstained throughout, otherwise very well preserved. A unique survival.

Folio. 3 ff. In French, to James Dwight Dana, an American geologist and naturalist who published the fourth edition of his "System of Mineralogy" in 1854: "Forgive me if I haven't expressed my gratitude sooner [.] l am using the first free moment to tell you how much I enjoyed receiving the 4th edition of your excellent treatise on mineralogy [.] Each edition has added new perfections, and it is an immense piece of work added to other immense pieces of work. We have surely nothing [.] that compares to this vast and prodigal repertory where science is seen in its entirety and which arises every four years like a monument that marks each step forward of science. I do not know any other work that I can turn to to study the progress of our joint studies [.] I am equally obliged to you for sending me the sample of cordierite. I was able to extract a few pieces that were relatively pure and homogenous, and I am taking the liberty of sending you one of the small spheres I have had made of it [.] I have also examined with great interest the samples of clinochlore you sent me [.] M. [Alfred] Des Cloizeaux has been busy and he has just finished a big work on quartz. It gives a great many figures and many photographs, the only way to not let one's imagination take the place of reality. The symmetry attributed to the inner structure of certain crystals, e. g. amethyst, is only one particular case among many other more complicated modes [.] Pardon me, Sir, for going on like this. It is all to show you my delight to be having this exchange with you [.]" (transl.). Sénarmont did important research in crystallography. He was noted especially for his work on polarization and on the artificial formation of minerals. - First two sheets each have a tear in the upper right corner, but with no loss. A long letter with good scientific content in very good condition.

Zustand: Very Good. Small octavo, one page, on the mourning stationery of his home on the Isle of Wight, Farringford House (Tennyson had lost one of his younger sons in action, and would lose another before the end of the war). Folded twice for posting; a few tiny marks; in excellent condition. The letter is brief enough to quote in full: 'Dear Lady Glenconner, I am deeply distressed not only for myself but also for all of you. Of course one cannot but be very sorry for both of them. I have spoken to L. fully, and he takes a really serious view now, I hope; and has promised not to see her during the war. L. ought to protect her against herself. I cannot write more, for I feel the thing too acutely. It was kind in you to write to me. Ever yours, Tennyson'. Lionel and Clarissa married in March 1918; she was still only 21 years old at the time. They had three children before their divorce in 1928. Each was to remarry (and redivorce) again. Hallam Tennyson (1852-1928), eldest son of the poet laureate Alfred (later 1st Baron), 'had initially sought the governorship of South Australia, but hesitated when it was offered to him in January 1899: Tennyson was influenced by speculation that after Federation the post might be subordinated to that of the governor-general, or even abolished. He arrived in Adelaide in April and proved popular: the press and the people saw him as hardworking, competent, dignified and frugal. Appointed acting governor-general on 4 July 1902 after Lord Hopetoun's unexpected resignation, Tennyson was confirmed in this position in January 1903, at his own request for one year only' ('Australian Dictionary of Biography').

Zustand: Fair. Quarto, 12 pages (last two blank). A saddle-sewn gathering of blue paper; two holes to each leaf (apparently insect damage) with some minor loss to the text; some marks and short edge tears; nevertheless, an extraordinary relic in decent condition overall. The first nine pages, closely written in ink in a single hand which we know to be that of pastoralist Alfred Barker (1812-1880), contain a version of Stuart's journal for the period from 31 March (the beginning of the expedition) to 17 May 1859, with some significant variation from the published versions. Importantly, the final half-page of text is unmistakably in the hand of John McDouall Stuart himself. This passage - an addendum written in pencil and comprising material not included in published versions of the journal - describes the extent of Stuart's claims of pastoral land at Chambers Creek. The journal is accompanied by a loose bifolium containing manuscript directions to Chambers Creek (quarto, 2 pages, also in Barker's hand, with a small diagram of Hummock Hill). The journal ends after the entry for 17 May 1859. Published accounts of the expedition indicate that Stuart spent the following three days in camp finalising his report on the survey of Chambers Creek, which was sent back to his patrons James and John Chambers and William Finke on 20 May by way of one of the expeditioners, Campbell. The specific nature of the variations from the published versions leads us to conclude that Stuart sent with this material an edited version of his field journal to that date (the originals of both manuscripts are now lost). Barker, brother-in-law and business partner of the Chambers brothers, would have copied the present manuscript directly from Stuart's original manuscript. It pays scant attention to the daily happenings of the expedition, but records detailed information about the country, with a particular regard to its suitability for pastoral use, precisely the information most valuable to patrons intent on building a pastoral empire. Stuart's manuscript addendum to Barker's copy of his report must have been written in the short period between his return on 3 July 1859 and the departure in August of the same year of his third expedition into the interior. He had given John Chambers power of attorney in relation to his claims on the runs at Chambers Creek, where he had claimed a staggering 1500 square miles of land. The matter had still not been settled at his departure, and Stuart's precise description of the extent of his claim were evidently intended to allow his patrons to consolidate it in his absence. The detailed manuscript text on the separate bifolium also supports a date from the middle of 1859. It gives a set of straightforward directions to Chambers Creek via the crucial series of waterholes that Stuart had identified, as well as some details of the surrounding country. Barker was soon to follow this route north to stock Stuart's empty cattle runs, the explorer lacking the resources to do so himself. While these instructions are in Barker's hand, they must have been prepared in consultation with Stuart in preparation for the cattle drive north. Returning from his third expedition Stuart was pleased to find Barker's cattle thriving on the saltbush on his land. After great difficulty and scandal the grant was finally made for an unprecedented area of 1000 square miles, but many suspected that the beneficiary of the vast territory would be Chambers and Finke, not the explorer (Barker's contribution going unremarked in newspaper accounts of the time). This would be borne out in the coming years. The textual history of the journal of Stuart's second expedition makes the survival of this document all the more important. In her introduction to the edition of the journal published by the Friends of the State Library of South Australia (2002) Valmai Hankel writes: '[This expedition] is the only one for which no manuscript diary or fair copy survives. As it was regarded as a private venture, unlike the five other expeditions its results were not reported to Parliament, so its journal was not published as a parliamentary paper. The only known versions are those published in the "Journal" of the Royal Geographical Society (RGS), vol.31, 1861, pp.65-83, and in "Explorations in Australia. The Journals of John McDouall Stuart during the years 1858, 1859, 1860, 1861, & 1862", edited by William Hardman (London: Saunders, Otley, 1864 .)'. The RGS and Hardman versions of the text are generally more discursive, but both are the result of editing by third parties and would have been based on fair copies of the journals. Hardman in particular was an unsympathetic editor ('Stuart seems to be almost an illiterate person .'), and often redrafted Stuart's matter-of-fact observations to fit more closely the mould of a Victorian travel narrative. Our manuscript, on the other hand, is not only contemporaneous with the expedition, but also likely closer in content to the lost field journals, before editorial intervention and judicious redaction and revisions for political and commercial considerations. A full transcription of the journal is available, as are a list of variations from the published version. One example will suffice to indicate the significance of this manuscript. Hankel's introduction states that 'The expedition's main aims were to survey the Chambers Creek lease and to prospect for gold . Stuart's major discovery was more links in the chain of springs, later known as mound springs, which Warburton and Babbage had found in 1858. Hergott found the first, on 13 April; although Stuart named them after their discoverer, he does not say so in either version of his journal' (page x). The manuscript states that 'on the 13th Hergott after finding St Stephens Pool dry and no water in the Range - discovered a batch of Springs South of the Pool - abundance of Water - distance from this camp to Hergotts Springs 30 Miles - Native Cucumbers found h.