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9781848132771: Conscientious Objection: Resisting Militarized Society

Inhaltsangabe

Refusing to take part in war is as old as war itself. This wide-ranging and original book brings together four different bodies of knowledge to examine the pratice of conscientious objection: historical and philosophical analyses of conscientious objection as a critique of compulsory military service and militarization; feminist, LGBT and queer analyses of conscientious objection as a critique of patriarchy, sexism, and heterosexism; activist and academic analyses of conscientious objection as a social movement and individual act of resistance; legal analyses of the status of conscientious objection in international and national law. Conscientious objection is an increasingly important subject of academic and political debate in countries including the US, Israel and Turkey. This book provides a much needed introduction and tool for making sense of the history of nation-states in the 20th century and understanding the political developments of the early 21st century.

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Über die Autorin bzw. den Autor

Özgür Heval Çinar is a lawyer. Currently he is a Ph.D. candidate and Graduate Teaching Assistant in the Law Department at the University of Essex. He has also worked at several NGOs, including the Istanbul branch of the Human Rights Association of Turkey and Human Rights Watch on a voluntary basis. He is the author of "The Effects of European Court of Human Rights' Decisions on the Turkish Legal System" as well as a number of journal articles.

Coskun Üsterci is a peace and human rights activist. Graduating from the Department of Economic and Commercial Science at the Ege University, he was a founder of the Izmir War Resisters' Association. He is currently a member of the Human Rights Association, and has been working since 1992 at the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey, where he is a board member. In addition, he runs workshops on anti-militarism, conscientious objection and non-violence.

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Conscientious Objection

Resisting Militarized Society

By Özgür Heval Çinar, Coskun Üsterci

Zed Books Ltd

Copyright © 2009 Özgür Heval Çinar and Coskun Üsterci
All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-1-84813-277-1

Contents

Acknowledgements, vii,
Preface | Cynthia Cockburn, viii,
Introduction | Cogkun Üsterci and Özgür Heval Çinar, 1,
ONE | Conscription and resisting conscription in a militarized society,
1 The militarization of society: conscription and national armies in the process of citizen creation | Suavi Aydin, 17,
2 Patriotism and the justification of inequality in the construction of militarism | Melek Göregenli, 37,
3 Refusing to serve by other means: desertion in the late Ottoman Empire | Erik-Jan Zürcher, 45,
4 Sand in the wheels? Conscientious objection at the turn of the twenty-first century | Ulrich Bröckling, 53,
5 The morals and politics of conscientious objection, civil disobedience and anti-militarism | Nilgün Toker Kilinf, 61,
6 The philosophical grounds of conscientious objection | Taha Parla, 73,
TWO | Conscientious objection as a critique of patriarchy, sexism and heterosexism,
7 Where are the women in military conscientious objection? Some feminist clues | Cynthia Enloe, 81,
8 Refusing to identify as obedient wives, sacrificing mothers and proud warriors | Ayse Gül Altinay, 88,
9 Conscientious objection and masculine violence | Serpil Sancar, 105,
10 Rotten report and reconstructing hegemonic masculinity in Turkey | Alp Biricik, 112,
THREE | Conscientious objection in the world: experiences and problems,
11 Experiences of conscientious objection movements: South Africa, Greece and Paraguay | Andreas Speck and Rudi Friedrich, 121,
12 Military conscription, conscientious objection and democratic citizenship in the Americas | Matthew C. Gutmann, 131,
13 Conscientious objection in Chile | Pelao Carvallo, 145,
14 Conscientious objection in Spain: disobedience | Cthuchi Zamarra, 149,
15 Conscientious objection in Israel | Tali Lerner, 156,
16 Refusing to serve in the army for reasons of conscience in Greece | Alexia Tsouni and Michalis Maragakis, 160,
17 Conscientious objection in Turkey | Cogkun Usterci and Ugur Yorulmaz, 168,
FOUR | Conscientious objection and law,
A International law,
18 A view on international implementation of the right to conscientious objection | Ozgür Heval Çinar, 183,
19 International standards on conscientious objection to military and alternative service | Rachel Brett, 198,
20 European standards on conscientious objection and alternative service | Friedhelm Schneider, 206,
21 Conscientious objection in international law and the Osman Murat Ülke case | Kevin Boyle, 212,
B The case of Turkey,
22 Conscientious objection and the Turkish constitution | Osman Can, 227,
23 The criminality of conscientious objection in Turkey and its consequences | Hülya Üçpinar, 242,
Notes on contributors, 257,
Index, 259,


CHAPTER 1

The militarization of society: conscription and national armies in the process of citizen creation

SUAVI AYDIN


§ Conscription and the 'army of the masses' are relatively new historical phenomena. Appearing in Europe for the first time as an important tool in the processes of citizen creation in nation-states, this phenomenon hit other countries' agenda towards the end of the eighteenth century, progressively establishing the system whereby each male of a certain age group gets conscripted. In this respect, the system made possible both the establishment of giant armies and the popularization of 'national consciousness' to a large mass of people via a large uneducated segment of society.

Conscription and the army of the masses were at the same time necessitated by a new kind of war – total war – that came about owing to the technological transformation underpinning the industrial society and the bourgeois society's desire for economical-political expansion. Total war also meant that the masses assumed to form the nation were to become soldiers as a whole. This state of conscription does not only pose a quantitative issue, but also manifests as a phenomenon that encompasses all stages of human life and involves the recruitment of groups that were previously not expected to serve in the military – such as women and children – or causes them to be directly affected by the conditions of war. Thus a new process had begun whereby a nation in its entirety became the actor of war and the state devoted all its attention to mobilizing these masses with feelings of patriotism and keeping them ready for war.

From this point of view, the creation of nation-states, the recognition of the citizen as the legitimator of sovereignty and the conscription-based army of the masses that makes soldiers out of all are different facets of the same reality. After the French Revolution, when all individual citizens who lived on a politically determined piece of land – that is, 'the people' – were accepted as the direct source of sovereignty, military service, or, rather, the right to carry weapons, ceased being a privilege of the nobility and military rank ceased being a status bought with money. The right to carry weapons was granted to all citizens, thus establishing the people's army The military success of Napoleon, which left its mark on the first two decades of the nineteenth century in Europe, owes much to this new military concept and to the definition of the members of this military as missionaries who spread the revolution with a kind of 'national consciousness'. Thus soldiers had replaced the heavenly missionaries who strived to spread the religious ideal worldwide, turning into secular missionaries spreading the revolution worldwide.

After Napoleon's dream of a world empire collapsed, military service was defined in accordance with the ideology of Napoleon's army, as a narrower type of guardianship designed to protect and preserve the nation-state, as a mission devoted to this new but worldly sanctity for the interests of this state. The generalization of this mission in doctrine as a duty that embraces all citizens presumed to form the nation is only natural. Within this framework, the granting to all citizens of the right to carry weapons and the right to fight has turned military service into a right as well as a sacred duty for all citizens.

In pre-revolutionary aristocratic France the right to be a soldier as well as military ranks were bought and were not available to ordinary people. The revolution and the following Napoleonic era reversed this formulation and included military service within the collective rights and duties of citizens. Since this right and duty does not promise any individual or direct benefit, as it did in the Middle Ages, it requires an ideology. Naturally, the ideology of a territorial nation-state will be nationalism and its base will primarily consist of the concept of 'homeland'. As William McNeill pointed out:

[t]he French revolutionaries broke away from ... ancient patterns, however, by summoning all Frenchmen to the defence of the patrie in 1793. During the next twenty years innumerable French victories demonstrated the new power that mass armies could command in an age of incipient industrialism ...


From this point on, the construction of a framework in which...

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