Hidden and Overt Power Structures in International Schools

Introduction

English is the medium of instruction in the vast majority of International Schools. Many of these schools have developed and grown out of what were once Overseas Schools, i.e. schools set up after the Second World War to cater for the children of businessmen from English speaking countries such as America, Canada and the United Kingdom. Many of the schools developed because of the huge resurgence of trade that brought Americans in great numbers to Europe. The curriculum used in these schools was based on various national curricula, the rationale being that children would eventually return from overseas and need to fit back into the curriculum used in their homelands.

The population of such schools is now made up largely of second language learners many of whom have never lived in America or Great Britain, nor do they plan to do so in the future. Yet many International Schools today still follow national curricula, usually American or British.

In this chapter the idea that notions and beliefs often intrinsic to national systems of education have found their way into International Education is considered. How this affects the choice of curriculum and school policies is also discussed. The main aims of this chapter are to look at:

• power structures in schools and how they may affect the ESL child;

• pedagogical choices and how they affect the second language learner;

• various programmes from the perspective of second language learners.

All of the above is discussed in the light of recent research on language acquisition.

Research and Theory

ESL teachers in International Schools have relied on theory and research related to national systems in America, Australia, Canada and Great Britain to inform them on effective teaching and planning strategies for second language learners. However, the research in national systems (e.g. Collier & Thomas, 1997) is applicable if we bear in mind three important differences:

(1) Many International Schools are not in Anglophone countries, this means that many International School children may be exposed to the language at home (maybe more than one), English at school, plus the host country language.

(2) Most International School children come from a relatively high socio-economic background. This suggests that these children may have access to more academic materials in the home. It is important to remember though that in the research carried out by Collier and Thomas (1997) the amount of formal schooling in the L1 (mother-tongue language) that students have received is the strongest predictor of how rapidly students will catch up in the L2 (English). This factor is a stronger predictor than socio-economic status or the extent to which the parents may or may not speak English.

(3) Second language learners in International Schools move to a different location and encounter a new language every three years on average. In a study involving 15 International Schools, Edna Murphy found that children moved an average of 2.2 times before the age of six.

The research and theory included in the next two chapters has been produced by world authorities in the fields of language acquisition, bilingualism, applied linguistics, cognitive psychology, social linguistics and sociology. Many of the researchers mentioned have spoken at International School conferences and ESL & MT conferences. Several have visited International Schools. These researchers and theorists have been chosen because, although their research and theory is based on national systems, they know International Schools well. They have also been chosen because they are known for not staying in the ivory towers of their universities, but rather for being present in classrooms, talking with teachers and students. They have linked their research and theory to practice therefore, as Cummins says, 'they respond to issues and concerns articulated by educators' (2004: 2).

Bilingualism is cross-disciplinary, being studied in linguistics, sociology, psychology and it is also studied in relationship to power and status structures and political structures in society. Bilingualism and bilingual education cannot be understood unless connected to basic philosophies and politics in society. For more on this see Baker (2003). One of the overriding aims of International Education should be to promote Additive Bilingualism, that is the adding on of a second language without detracting from the maintenance or development of the first language. Cummins (2004) cites more than 150 empirical studies carried out over the past 30 years that have reported a positive association between bilingualism and students' linguistic, cognitive or academic growth.

Large scale research on second language learning is long overdue in International Education. None has been done to date.

Politics in ESL

The decision about how to teach second language children in International Education can be very political. When a school administrator makes a statement such as, 'We are an International School not a bilingual one', this is a politically loaded affirmation. Another example is, 'English only please'. Statements such as these are not based on purely educational preferences. These speakers may have bought into the political ideal of assimilation, the process by which members of a language group lose their own language and culture, which are replaced by a different language and culture, the aim being social unity. In the USA, opponents of bilingual education support assimilation. They believe that the use of languages other than English in schools is 'unAmerican'. To these people the majority language, English, is seen as the 'fixer', the tool for unifying diversity.

International School administrators who introduce English-only policies may have taken the political stance of assimilation rather than the political idea of the rights of the individual. Teachers and administrators should be aware of how politics can affect education and be above those politics, especially when political notions hinder good practice.

Ruiz (1984) proposed three basic perspectives about language in the politics of bilingual education: language as a problem, language as a right and language as a resource. These three perspectives can also be applied to language education in International Schools.

Language as a Problem

Schools that view language as a problem set out to 'fix' the problem. The problem is usually seen as the child's fault. They collect data on all the things the child can't do in English. Decisions may be taken to place the child in a remedial group. The child may be removed from a foreign language class...