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Kathryn Crameri is Head of the School of Modern Languages and Cultures at the University of Glasgow. Her published work covers Catalan culture, identity and nationalism, and includes Catalonia: National Identity and Cultural Policy 19802003 (University of Wales Press, 2008).
The Cañada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies,
Preface by Geoff Cowling,
Author's Preface,
List of Abbreviations,
Cover Illustrations,
Introduction,
1 Political Parties and Civil Pro-Independence Groups,
2 The Path to a Pro-Independence Consensus,
3 Political Discourse: The Triumph of Rationality?,
4 Past/Present Heroes and the Future Catalan State,
5 Stimulating Affect: Catalan Television and the Independence Debate,
6 The Future: Imagining Independence,
Conclusion,
Notes,
Bibliography,
Index,
Political Parties and Civil Pro-Independence Groups
Until very recently, the vast majority of Catalan nationalists have tended not to espouse separatist views (Conversi, 1997: 259–60). However, from as early as the end of the nineteenth century there have been identifiable but small groups of Catalans who did hope for independence (Llorens Vila, 2005; Rubiralta i Casas, 2004). Jordi Llorens Vila describes these groups as manifesting an emotional rather than a rational form of separatism, which coexisted with the development of Catalan autonomism and federalism but was unable to form itself into any kind of alternative political project (Llorens Vila, 2005). In terms of properly organised separatist groups, the first of any real political significance was Estat Català (Catalan State), founded in 1922 by Francesc Macià (Rubiralta i Casas, 2004: 11). During the political turmoil of the 1930s, which saw the brief existence of the Spanish Second Republic, two different declarations of Catalan sovereignty within a federalist framework were made. First, Macià (at that point the leader of ERC) took advantage of his party's win in the 1931 local elections to declare Catalonia a Free Republic which he hoped would become part of a Spanish confederation. However, once the Second Republic was established, Macià was forced to settle for autonomy. In 1934, his successor as President of Catalonia's Autonomous Government – Lluís Companys – responded to the victory of right-wing forces in the Spanish elections by declaring Catalonia a State within the Federal Republic of Spain, which led to his imprisonment and the suspension of Catalonia's autonomy.
During the Franco dictatorship (1939–75), Catalan nationalism was politically fragmented even though it was united in its opposition to the regime (Guibernau, 2004: 50–69). In the early years of the dictatorship, the Front Nacional de Catalunya (National Front of Catalonia) was formed in order to combine resistance to the Franco regime with a clear pro-independence agenda, but it was unable to achieve its goal of uniting all of Catalonia's separatist forces against the regime (Díaz i Esculíes, 2005). In the early 1970s, Catalan separatism regrouped itself around the recently-founded Partit Socialista d'Alliberament Nacional (Socialist Party for National Liberation) (Rubiralta i Casas, 2004: 133–4). It was also at this time that a small number of separatists decided to turn to armed struggle, beginning a phase of minor terrorist activity that was to continue until 1995 (Pagès i Blanch, 2005).
Any semblance of unity between pro-independence groups forged in the last days of the Franco regime did not last long, and fragmentation has been a perpetual
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Zustand: New. Über den AutorKathryn Crameri is Head of the School of Modern Languages and Cultures at the University of Glasgow. Her published work covers Catalan culture, identity and nationalism, and includes Catalonia: National Identity and C. Artikel-Nr. 597070233
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Buch. Zustand: Neu. Neuware - Support for independence in the Autonomous Community of Catalonia has risen significantly since 2005. Opinion polls confirm that the idea of holding a legally-binding referendum on independence is now supported by 80% of Catalans. Many commentators on nationalism in Western Europe had come to the conclusion that there was no serious threat to the established nation-states from secessionism within their borders. In The Identity of Nations (2007), Montserrat Guibernau wrote that decentralisation tames secessionism, both by offering significant power and resources to the national minorities it seeks to accommodate and by enticing regional political elites with the power, prestige and perks associated with devolution' Scott Greer, in Nationalism and Self-Government (2007), wrote that secession seems unlikely' in the Catalan case because the regional political elites have too much to lose by such a move and are most concerned with winning further autonomy in specific areas that stabilise their own hold on regional power a conclusion called into question by the recent radicalisation in Catalan politics and civil society. Causes for these striking changes in public sentiment include changes in the Catalan political landscape since 2003, problems of infrastructure, public apathy with the political process, disillusionment with the Spanish government, a rise in anti-Catalan feeling from other Spaniards (and a rise in anti-Spanish' feeling among Catalans), the effects of the global financial crisis, and the bumpy ride experienced by Catalonia's new Statute of Autonomy. One notable change has been a shift in the dominant discourse of Catalan nationalism from concerns regarding language, culture and identity toward the political and economic welfare of Catalans. These political and economic discourses have overlaid rather than replaced cultural aspects. Published in association with the Cañada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies / Catalan Observatory. Artikel-Nr. 9781845196592
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