In Delusions of Power, economic historian Robert Higgs calls into question our ingrained notions concerning the nature of the state and democracy. Higgs uproots the foundation stone upon which the state’s powers have rested and grown unchecked by the public.
Beginning with the Founding Fathers and moving forward, Higgs reassesses the world wars, the Great Depression and the New Deal, and the financial debacle that began in 2008 with the view of demonstrating Americans’ loss of liberties. He brings together the crisis in policymaking; key political actors and events; and the impact of war on the economy and civil liberties. For Higgs, war and its costs have had a major impact on American life and freedom. Through reading Higgs’s work, one will gain a new understanding of the state’s power, democracy, and the issues threatening the pursuit of liberty.
Taking a close look at the dense fabric that our government weaves between war, state power, and economics, this collection of essays reveals the growing authority—and corruption—of the American state. Covering topics from the Lyndon Johnson presidency to the provocatively titled article “Military-Economic Fascism” on the military-industrial-congressional complex, it argues that the U.S. government consistently exploits national crises and then invents timely rhetoric that limits the rights and liberties of all citizens for the benefit of the few, be they political leaders or various industrialists in the areas of defense and security.
As its title suggests, this book presents a clear narrative of trends and events—from the United States’ entry into World War II to the origins of income tax—causing individuals to question whether those in power are truly blind to the effects and causes of their policies.
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Robert Higgs is Retired Senior Fellow in Political Economy, Founding Editor and former Editor at Large of the Independent Institute’s quarterly journal The Independent Review: A Journal of Political Economy. He received his Ph.D. in economics from Johns Hopkins University, and he has taught at the University of Washington, Lafayette College, Seattle University, the University of Economics, Prague, and George Mason University. He has been a visiting scholar at Oxford University and Stanford University, and a fellow for the Hoover Institution and the National Science Foundation. His many books include Crisis and Leviathan; Depression, War, and Cold War; After Leviathan; Delusions of Power; Neither Liberty Nor Safety; Resurgence of the Warfare State; Taking a Stand; and multiple edited collections.
Acknowledgments,
Introduction,
PART I The Nature of the Status, Democracy, and Crisis Policymaking,
1 If Men Were Angels: The Basic Analytics of the State versus Self-Government,
2 Do Slavery and Government Rest on the Same Rationalizations?,
3 Democracy and Faits Accomplis,
4 Blame the People Who Elected Them?,
5 The Song That Is Irresistible: How the State Leads People to Their Own Destruction,
6 A Dozen Dangerous Presumptions of Crisis Policymaking,
7 The Political Economy of Crisis Opportunism,
8 War Is Horrible, but ...,
PART II Closer Looks at Key Actors and Critical Events,
9 Who Was Edward M. House?,
10 How U.S. Economic Warfare Provoked Japan's Attack on Pearl Harbor,
11 Truncating the Antecedents: How Americans Have Been Misled About World War II,
12 Wartime Origins of Modern Income-Tax Withholding,
13 A Revealing Window on the U.S. Economy in Depression and War: Hours Worked, 1929–1950,
14 The Economics of the Great Society: Theory, Policies, and Consequences,
15 Nixon's New Economic Plan,
PART III Economic Analysis, War, and Politicoeconomic Interactions,
16 Recession and Recovery: Six Fundamental Errors of the Current Orthodoxy,
17 Benefits and Costs of the U.S. Government's War Making,
18 To Fight or Not to Fight? War's Payoffs to U.S. Leaders and to the American People,
19 Military-Economic Fascism: How Business Corrupts Government and Vice Versa,
20 Caging the Dogs of War: How Major U.S. Neoimperialist Wars End,
21 Cumulating Policy Consequences, Frightened Overreactions, and the Current Surge of Government's Size, Scope, and Power,
22 Review of War, Revenue, and State Building: Financing the Development of the American State by Sheldon D. Pollack,
23 Review of New Deal or Raw Deal? How FDR's Economic Legacy Has Damaged America by Burton Folsom Jr.,
24 Review of Churchill, Hitler, and "the Unnecessary War": How Britain Lost Its Empire and the West Lost the World by Patrick J. Buchanan,
25 Review of The Pearl Harbor Myth: Rethinking the Unthinkable by George Victor,
26 Review of Unwarranted Influence: Dwight D. Eisenhower and the Military-Industrial Complex by James Ledbetter,
27 Review of Is War Necessary for Economic Growth? Military Procurement and Technology Development by Vernon W. Ruttan,
28 Review of After War: The Political Economy of Exporting Democracy by Christopher J. Coyne,
29 Review of Magic and Mayhem: The Delusions of American Foreign Policy from Korea to Afghanistan by Derek Leebaert,
Index,
About the Author,
If Men Were Angels
The Basic Analytics of the State versus Self-Government
IN THE FEDERALIST NO. 51, arguably the most important Federalist of all, James Madison wrote in defense of a proposed national constitution that would establish a structure of "checks and balances between the different departments" of the government and, as a result, constrain the government's oppression of the public. In making his argument, Madison penned the following paragraph, which comes close to being a short course in political science:
[T]he great security against a gradual concentration of the several powers in the same department, consists in giving to those who administer each department the necessary constitutional means and personal motives to resist encroachments of the others. The provision for defence must in this, as in all other cases, be made commensurate to the danger of attack. Ambition must be made to counteract ambition. The interest of the man must be connected with the constitutional rights of the place. It may be a reflection on human nature, that such devices should be necessary to control the abuses of government. But what is government itself, but the greatest of all reflections on human nature? If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself. A dependence on the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the government; but experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions.
The passage that refers to the angels is a rhetorical masterpiece, so memorable that it has become almost a cliché. In Madison's argument, however, it does more than emphasize that human nature is somewhat less than angelic. It also serves as a springboard that propels Madison directly into a consideration of "framing a government which is to be administered by men over men," which is "but the greatest of all reflections on human nature." In short, it moves Madison directly to a consideration of government as we have known it for the past several thousand years — a monopoly operating ultimately by threat or actual use of violence, making rules for and extracting tribute from the residents of the territory it controls. Henceforth, for clarity, I refer to this all-too-familiar type of organization as "the state."
Perhaps everyone will agree that if we all were angels, no state would be necessary, and if angels were the governors, they would require neither internal nor external constraints to ensure that they governed justly. In terms of table 1.1, we would be indifferent regarding the choice between the two cells in the first row.
In Madison's mind, the no-state option was inconceivable, for reasons he expressed obliquely when he wrote: "In a society under the forms of which the stronger faction can readily unite and oppress the weaker, anarchy may as truly be said to reign as in a state of nature, where the weaker individual is not secured against the violence of the stronger; and as, in the latter state, even the stronger individuals are prompted, by the uncertainty of their condition, to submit to a government which may protect the weak as well as themselves; so, in the former state, will the more powerful factions or parties be gradually induced, by a like motive, to wish for a government which will protect all parties, the weaker as well as the more powerful." Thus, Madison, apparently following John Locke, believed that individuals would not choose to remain in a stateless condition and would submit to the authority of a state in order to attain greater security of person and property. Countless other thinkers over the years have reasoned likewise, as Mancur Olson did in his final book when he concluded, "If a population acts to serve its common interest, it will never choose anarchy."
Disorder, Liberty, and the State
Nothing is more common than the assumption that without a state, a society will fall necessarily and immediately into violent disorder; indeed, anarchy and chaos are often used as synonyms. The Random House Dictionary gives the following four definitions for anarchy:
1. A state of society without government or law.
2. Political and social disorder due to absence of governmental control.
3. A theory that regards the absence of all direct or coercive government as a political ideal and that proposes the cooperative and...
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