The Divisiveness for Identity

Liberia holds an historical heritage that sustains racial profiling in the eyes of many people, not Liberians. Why? Because its historical heritage is relating to or based upon the existence of a gun put at the head of an African native chief for land in 1821, which was later called Liberia in 1847 by the American black free slaves. What was the name of this land before 1847? There was none as far as I know because it wasn't colonized.

The use of gun as a force with reason in coercing the African chief was an act of deception and narrow-mindedness. This coercion weaves together the American black free slaves and the African natives into a political system that was separate but not equal for governance. The American black free slaves believe that Liberia should be an exceptional country in Africa for them.

The American black freed-people came to Africa with the help of the American Colonization Society (ACS) in order to forget the deprivation and dehumanization as slaves in the United States of America. With the prospect of self determination to govern themselves, the American black free slaves were willing action against the ACS after the land was given to them.

Since the land was a gift by the ACS to the American black free slaves, it began a centre of feeling. The American black free slaves took the land and guarded it with paternalism. Liberia is a reality by the American black free slaves at last with the intention based on deprivation and dehumanization of the African natives. They knew it was time to stand up for something they truly believed in and made sure to exclude the African natives and requested their independence from the ACS.

Should the action of the American black free slaves about their inheritance be the guide to racial profiling? Yes, because with the help of their faculties, which are fitted to apprehend what is wrong and what is right, is not a definition but an application of racial profiling.

Since I am exploring the transparency of racial profiling, the preamble of both constitutions of Liberia 1847 and 1985 should qualify my assertion that Liberia is a racist nation on the west coast of Africa. The people of Liberia are talking and writing about their ethnic and racial division with clarity but saying they are not racist.

Why do descendants of both groups believe that the love of liberty is the historical heritage of racial profiling? Because such belief of each group sanctifies the illusion about their masquerade of inalienable rights.

It is important to understand the uniqueness of not wanting to be someone else is essential to being who you are. This condition for separate and not equal has an impact on both groups to be hostile and suspicious in the political system. Such forbiddance is an exclusionary rule for a hidden agenda in governance.

This habit to belief in a historical heritage has been a force not to resolve the racial and ethnic conflict that began in 1821. There has been no harmony to govern so war tends to occur between the two groups when power relationships are either unclear or mistaken.

Should the clarification of the accusation of racial profiling between the two groups bring a different result? I don't know if it will. If this accusation is not unique for Liberians then there is no other way to prescribe the attitudes and values of the people.

Where is the historical heritage for racial profiling in Liberia? It is in the attitudes and values of Liberians as an inalienable right. This political culture is no excuse for being marked by an absence of the mind which is held in limits. Its like saying, lets keep this secret to ourselves, as our concern.

My first concern about racial profiling in Liberia is the preamble of both constitutions of Liberia. Preamble of constitution is a statement that usually states the reason for and intent of the law. It is also the facts or circumstances indicating what is to follow.

However, the people of Liberia uphold the preamble of both constitutions in this faction: 1847 for descendants of free slaves and 1985 for descendants of natives.

There is something reliable to proceed with certainty about the historical heritage for racial profiling of each group refusing to debate about their perspective within the preamble of both constitutions. Can a debate led by the groups' offspring for belief in a referendum bring change? I hope so, if the offspring of both groups can avoid paternalism as an identity. Remaining silent about racial profiling is a threat to the dignity of the offspring of both groups.

My second concern about racial profiling in Liberia is the prescription of both groups demanding obligation from Liberians to belong. The task is an obligation for any Liberian to expose the intention of both groups.

Within this obligation there is the assumption as a choice of destiny to clarify the perception of the historical heritage for racial profiling. Should this obligation be wholly a fixation for any Liberian wanting a change in this dysfunctional society? Yes, if any Liberian wants to challenge the belief of racial profiling as an illusion about inheritance.

My perspective that racism as a determinant of human traits and capacities is an astonishing proposal to allow readers into Liberia, my first home. The preamble of both constitutions have created an illusion for a distinct morale of each group as a myth of inherent superiority. It has provided the source of motion, as what something is for, and as the substance of all the people. It is endowed with the authority to subsidy whether the people can grow, be nourished and control the desires of the people for ethnic and racial conflicts.

This justification is the preamble of both constitutions, which is only the indoctrination of all the people regardless of their resistence of being separate but not equal in a political system.

Therefore, the preamble of both constitutions is sanctifying a capability with contrary directions. It is still a problem for me that the preamble of both constitutions is very desirable as the standard historiography of Liberia. So say one, say all, it is the way to be a Liberian.

Constitution, 1847 :

"We the people of the Republic of Liberia were originally the inhabitants of the United States of North America. In some parts of the country, we were debarred by law from all the rights and privileges of men-in other parts, public sentiments, more powerful than law, frowned us down.

Article 1, Section 4- There shall be no slavery within this Republic. Nor shall any citizen of this Republic, or any person resident therein, deal in slaves, either within or without this Republic, direct or indirectly.

Article 4, Section 13- the great object of forming these Colonies, being to provide a home for the dispersed and oppressed children of Africa, and to regenerate and enlighten this benighted continent, none but Negroes or people of Negro descent shall be eligible to citizenship in this Republic."

1985

"We the People of the Republic of Liberia:

Realizing from many experiences during the course of our national existence which culminated in the Revolution of April 12,1980, when our Constitution of July 26,1847 was suspended, that all of our people, irrespective of history, tradition, creed, or ethnic background are of one common body politic.

Article 12- No person shall...