Über die Autorin bzw. den Autor

Barry Coward is Reader in History at Birkbeck College, London. His previous publications include The Stanleys, Lords Stanley and Earls of Derby: The Origins, Wealth and Power of a Landowning Family, 1385–1672 (1983), Oliver Cromwell (1991), The Stuart Age: England 1603–1714 (second edition, 1994) and, with Christopher Durston, The English Revolution: A Sourcebook (1997). He is the President of the Cromwell Association.

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Covering the period from the accession of James I to the death of Queen Anne, this companion provides a magisterial overview of the ‘long’ seventeenth century in British history.

The companion’s chapters, each written by a leading expert, guide readers through the maze of scholarly debates about Stuart Britain. They offer new insights into the enormous changes that occurred during this time; not only the Civil War and the establishment of a Protectorate, but also the intense intellectual and religious ferment and economic transformations of the era. They also set out issues currently of interest to historians, such as the rise of the fiscal state in Britain, and interactions between an integrated England and Wales and the separate kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland.

The volume will be of interest to academics and students wishing to keep up to date with new thinking on the period, but is also accessible enough to be enjoyed by a broader readership.

Aus dem Klappentext

Covering the period from the accession of James I to the death of Queen Anne, this companion provides a magisterial overview of the ‘long’ seventeenth century in British history.

The companion’s chapters, each written by a leading expert, guide readers through the maze of scholarly debates about Stuart Britain. They offer new insights into the enormous changes that occurred during this time; not only the Civil War and the establishment of a Protectorate, but also the intense intellectual and religious ferment and economic transformations of the era. They also set out issues currently of interest to historians, such as the rise of the fiscal state in Britain, and interactions between an integrated England and Wales and the separate kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland.

The volume will be of interest to academics and students wishing to keep up to date with new thinking on the period, but is also accessible enough to be enjoyed by a broader readership.

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A Companion to Stuart Britain

John Wiley & Sons

Chapter One

ALLAN I. MACINNES

The 'British Problem' in the seventeenth century is as much historiographic as historic. The Whig tradition of progressive empiricism, grounded on the 'Glorious Revolution' (1688-91), dominated the historiography of Britain and Ireland as multiple kingdoms well into the twentieth century. The recent concerns of the 'new British histories' with the Stuart court and baronialism, with religious establishments and with the resolution of divergence through institutional union, have verged not so much on revisionism as neo-Whiggery. Indeed, the primacy accorded to national identities, civil wars and, above all, state formation seriously questions whether the 'new British histories' have marked a distinctive shift in focus away from Whiggish concerns with nation building. For the problematic nature of 'New British Histories' is rooted in an overwhelmingly insular and introspective historiography.

I

Within the closed ambit of England, Scotland and Ireland as multiple kingdoms, comparative history has tended towards multifarious discussions on identity. Seemingly divergent identities within the multiple kingdoms have been resolved constructively by multi-polar or multi-layered approaches (Kidd 1998: 321-42), which carry added resonance when applied to the wider Stuart world of the seventeenth century. But such wider contextualizing must take account of apocalyptic visions as well as baronial politics, commercial networks as well as confessional allegiances, representative images as well as written texts. The 'new British histories' have given particular focus to the civil wars 'in' and 'of' the three kingdoms during the mid-seventeenth century (Pocock 1996: 172-91), albeit Irish links to Spain and France have questioned the validity of this insular construct (cf. Ohlmeyer 1993). However, the Scottish Covenanters, as later the Commonwealth, viewed the civil wars as a fight 'for' the three kingdoms. From this perspective, civil wars within the British Isles were part of the wider European theatre of the Thirty Years' War (cf. Murdoch 2001). Through the Covenanting Movement, which emerged in opposition to the prerogative rule of Charles I throughout the British Isles, the Scots adopted a proactive role in promoting federative alliances with the United Provinces and Sweden as well as England between 1640 and 1645. Covenanting Scotland, as the new Israel, was preparing the ground for not just European but global reordering once the forces of godliness had vanquished those of the Antichrist (Williamson 1989: 7-30).

The 'new British histories', no less than their Whig predecessors, have tended to view political unification as part of a grand narrative, if not a manifest British destiny. State formation in early modern Europe, driven by sustained geopolitical competition, was characterized by the emergence of regimes which were absolutist or constitutional and supported by infrastructures that were bureaucratic or patrimonial (Ertman 1997: 6-34). While the composition of early modern states can be explained in terms of these four variables, the actual process of state formation was achieved usually by one of two methods described either as acquisition and association (Elliot 1992: 48-71) or conquest and coalescence (Greengrass 1991: 1-24). Thus, England had effectively absorbed Cornwall and Wales by 1543 through parliamentary incorporation, administrative cohesion in church and state, and the political if not the cultural integration of the ruling elites. However, Ireland, despite being declared a subordinate kingdom in 1541, was not incorporated into a composite English kingdom. Successive Tudor monarchs failed to effect conquest and achieved little integration outwith the Pale. The limited advent of the Protestant Reformation in Ireland further compounded this failure (Ellis 1995: 40-63). The alternative 'new British' narrative of state formation has cast the multiple kingdoms on a transitional stage from a composite England to a unified kingdom of Britain and Ireland marked by parliamentary incorporation, administrative and religious uniformity, and elite integration. The accession of James VI of Scotland to the English throne in 1603 paved the way for the United Kingdom of Great Britain in 1707, to which Ireland was added in 1801 (cf. Murdoch 1998).

Yet the move from regal union to parliamentary union in the seventeenth century was neither inevitable nor seamless. The English parliament rejected full union with Scotland in 1607 and 1670, and overtures for Irish political incorporation in 1703 (cf. Smyth 2001). For their part, the Scottish Estates resisted incorporating overtures in 1689 and 1702, albeit, like the Irish parliament, they were forced into an unwanted union at the behest of the English Commonwealth in 1651, repackaged as the Protectorate from 1654. During the Restoration era, Scottish moves towards commercial union initiated in 1664 were rebuffed in 1668. A similar English initiative never got off the drawing board in 1674.

II

The determination of James VI of Scotland to project himself as James I of Great Britain and Ireland laid the foundations for the Stuarts viewing themselves as an imperial British dynasty, not just as rulers of multiple kingdoms. This dynastic resolve had firm intellectual roots in his ancient and native kingdom, not least because tangible British harmony enabled the Scots to counter traditional English claims to suzerainty. Indeed, aspirations for union, which were given a particular fillip by the Protestant Reformation in both Scotland and England, had a long pedigree founded on the concept of empire that had exclusive sovereignty within the British Isles (Mason 1998: 242-69). At the same time, traditional English dominance of the three kingdoms, characterized by the interchangeability of Britain for England, was a contemporaneous historiographic problem rooted in medieval myth refocused by Renaissance scholarship.

The anglocentric dominance of British history rested on Norman-Welsh mythmaking of the twelfth century. The construct of Britain was derived from Brut, the epic Trojan hero who moved to Rome before progressing through Gaul from where he and his followers settled the whole of the British Isles. Although Britain was divided up among the successors of Brut during the first millennium BC, anglocentric dominance was reasserted under Roman occupation. Constantine the Great, who spread Christianity throughout the Roman Empire and transferred the capital from Rome to Byzantium at the outset of the fourth century AD, was both born and acclaimed emperor in Britain. Following the fall of Rome, the Britons were subject to invasions from Picts, Scots and Saxons that forced them to the margins in Wales and Cornwall. However, King Arthur had led a British revival in the early sixth century, which expanded his dominion throughout the British Isles and into France. Successive conquests by the Saxons, Danes and Norsemen tied epic British heroism to the march of civility as institutionalized through kingship, the common law and post-Reformation Protestantism. This mythical perception of Britain was reinforced by Welsh antiquarians, keen to identify Wales as the enduring heartland of the original Britons, as well as by English chroniclers like...