Saul Alinsky, according to Time Magazine in 1970, was a "prophet of power to the people," someone who "has possibly antagonized more people . . . than any other living American." People Power introduces the major organizers who adopted and modified Alinsky's vision across the United States:
--Fred Ross, Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, and the Community Service Organization and National Farm Workers Association
--Nicholas von Hoffman and the Woodlawn Organization
--Tom Gaudette and the Northwest Community Organization
--Ed Chambers, Richard Harmon, and the Industrial Areas Foundation
--Shel Trapp, Gale Cincotta, and National People's Action
--Heather Booth, Midwest Academy, and Citizen Action
--Wade Rathke and ACORN
Weaving classic texts with interviews and their own context-setting commentaries, the editors of People Power provide the first comprehensive history of Alinsky-based organizing in the tumultuous period from 1955 to 1980, when the key organizing groups in the United States took form. Many of these selections--previously available only on untranscribed audiotapes or in difficult-to-read mimeograph or Xerox formats--appear in print here for the first time.
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Aaron Schutz, Professor, Department of Educational Policy and Community Studies, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, is the author of two previous books on social action.
Mike Miller was a leader in the pre-1960s' birth of the student movement at UC Berkeley, a Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee field secretary, and director of an Alinsky community organizing project. He has been an organizer for more than fifty years.Acknowledgments xi,
Preface: Why Is Alinsky Important Today?—Mike Miller, xiii,
Part I: Introduction,
1 Editors' Introduction—Mike Miller and Aaron Schutz, 1,
2 Saul Alinsky and His Core Concepts—Mike Miller, 17,
3 What Is an Organizer? (1973)—Richard Rothstein, 43,
Part II: Alinsky's Colleagues,
Section A: Nicholas von Hoffman: The Woodlawn Organization and the Civil Rights Movement in the North,
4 An Introduction to Nicholas von Hoffman—Aaron Schutz, 49,
5 The Woodlawn Organization: Assorted Essays (1961–1969)—Various Authors, 58,
6 Questions and Answers (1959)—Saul Alinsky, Nicholas von Hoffmna, and Lester Hunt, 68,
7 Finding and Making Leaders (1963)—Nicholas von Hoffman, 74,
Section B: Fred Ross: Organizing Mexican Americans in the West,
8 Fred Ross and the House-Meeting Approach—Various Authos, 87,
9 Cesar Chavez and the Fate of Farmworker Organizing—Mike Miller, 101,
10 Dolores Huerta and Gil Padilla, 114,
Section C: Tom Gaudette and His Legacy,
11 Tom Gaudette: An Oral History—Various Speakers, 124,
12 Shel Trapp and Gale Cincotta—Various Authors, 143,
13 What Every Community Organization Should Know about Community Development (1975)—Stan Holt, 163,
14 John Baumann and the PICO National Network—Interviewed by Mike Miller, 168,
Section D: Dick Harmon,
15 An Introduction to Dick Harmon—Various Authors, 174,
16 Making an Offer We Can't Refuse (1973)—Dick Harmon, 185,
Section E: Ed Chambers and the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF),
17 Ed Chambers: The IAF Institute and the Post-Alinsky IAF—Mike Miller, 195,
18 Organizing for Family and Congregation (1978)— Industrial Areas Foundation, 215,
19 Relationship and Power: An Interview with Ernesto Cortes Jr. (1993)—Noëlle McAfee, 226,
20 A Call for Organizing, Confrontation, and Community Building (1995)—Rev. Johnny Ray Youngblood, 235,
21 Standing for the Whole (1990)—Industrial Areas Foundation, 239,
Part III: Different Directions,
Section A: Heather Booth, Midwest Academy, and Citizen Action,
22 An Introduction to Heather Booth, the Midwest Academy, and Citizen Action—Aaron Schutz, with commentary by Mike Miller, 245,
23 Direct Action Organizing: A Handbook for Women: Chapter 1 (1974)—Heather Booth,
Chapter 1 (1974), 264,
Section B: Wade Rathke and Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now (ACORN),
24 An Introduction to Wade Rathke and ACORN—Aaron Schutz, 274,
25 ACORN Community Organizing Model (1973)—Wade Rathke, 285,
26 The Story of an ACORN Organizer: Madeline Talbott—Interviewed by Mike Miller, 305,
Part IV: Concluding Commentaries,
27 The State of Organizing—Mike Miller, 311,
28 Thinking beyond the Present—Aaron Schutz, 326,
Index, 339,
Editors' Introduction
MIKE MILLER AND AARON SCHUTZ
In the pages that follow, we have assembled a range of articles, documents, organizational papers, and interviews about the tradition of community organizing that began with Saul Alinsky and the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF). From its origins in Chicago in the late 1930s, Alinsky's approach spread across the country, increasingly diffusing into other parts of the world.
The book is structured around the work of five of his most important colleagues — Ed Chambers, Tom Gaudette, Dick Harmon, Fred Ross, and Nicholas von Hoffman —supplemented with speeches by leaders and documents from the organizations they built. We also include pieces by organizers who either worked directly with Alinsky or followed in his footsteps, and who, in ways we will discuss, diverged from his path. Together, these texts show how different organizers and leaders have adapted and elaborated Alinsky's theory and practice in their work.
Many of these items appear in formal publication here for the first time; they were previously available only on untranscribed audiotapes or in early, mostly obsolete, and often difficult-to-read formats, such as mimeographed, dittoed, Thermo-Faxed, or Xeroxed pages. A few have remained well known among organizers, passing from hand to hand in flyspecked photocopies of photocopies. Others have mostly been forgotten. We drew some of them from university archives and the extensive collection of papers preserved by Miller during his long organizing career, and learned about others through citations in reference lists and discussions with other organizers. From a broad corpus of possibilities, we selected what we believe represent the best or most important examples of this shadow literature of organizing.
Mostly created by practitioners for audiences already deeply interested in the field, there is a directness to these texts —a vibrancy and sense of urgency often lacking in many of today's more abstract or textbook-like introductions to organizing. As we explain in introductions to each section, because these documents were created for particular purposes at particular moments of history, many reflect the issues and circumstances of the time they were written and should be read with this in mind. We hope you find them as interesting as we have.
What Is Community Organizing?
In an interview with T. George Harris, Alinsky said, "When people are organized, they move in ... to the central decision-making tables. [They] say, 'This is what we want.... We are people and damn it you are going to listen to us....' They are admitted to the decision-making tables ... on the basis of power."
Community organizing brings powerless and relatively powerless people together in solidarity to defend and advance their interests and values. Through their organizations, they speak with people power to established power on matters that affect them in their daily lives. They speak on major issues that might affect tens of thousands (or even millions), and on small but important issues like a stop sign at a dangerous intersection.
Community organizing groups typically start by trying to negotiate with decision-makers who have the authority to make the changes they want: elected officials, private sector owners, executives and administrators in bureaucracies, and the like. Decision-makers, however, are used to making unilateral decisions. They feel accountable only to those who already have substantial influence, wealth, or power. They rarely need to respond to everyday people and their concerns. As a result, decision-makers often simply ignore the people's requests to meet with them. Even when they do sit down, they generally try to defuse concerns without really listening or negotiating real change.
Action, at this point, inevitably involves conflict.
In fact, community organizing welcomes conflict as a tool to build people power. Only when adversaries recognize that there is power on the other side do they enter into real negotiations.
For example, tenants in a rat-infested, high-rent, no-services apartment building might organize themselves and seek changes from their landlord. When the landlord refuses to meet with them, they might start picketing...
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