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"This is an important book that all social scientists working in the Andes and Amazonia will want to own, read, and re-read for the complex and nuanced arguments that the authors make. Robert Andolina, Nina Laurie and Sarah A. Radcliffe do a wonderful job of tacking between the everyday of indigenous political practice and the arguments about culture, identity, and development that go on inside development agencies. They explore both the spaces opened, and those closed down, by ethnically-aware approaches to development, and in doing so give a reading of neoliberalism in practice that is among the most careful and ethnographically insightful yet published. This is a book that is at once conceptually brave and empirically grounded and has manifold implications for how to think about development--not just in the Andes, but way beyond."--Anthony Bebbington, University of Manchester

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INDIGENOUS DEVELOPMENT IN THE ANDES

DUKE UNIVERSITY PRESS

Contents

List of Maps and Tables.................................................................................viiAcknowledgments.........................................................................................ixIntroduction: Indigenous Development in the Andes.......................................................11 Development, Transnational Networks, and Indigenous Politics.........................................232 Development-with-Identity: Social Capital and Andean Culture.........................................533 Development in Place: Ethnic Culture in the Transnational Local......................................804 Neoliberalisms, Transnational Water Politics, and Indigenous People..................................1255 Transnational Professionalization of Indigenous Actors and Knowledge.................................1576 Gender, Transnationalism, and Cultures of Development................................................195Conclusion: Transnationalism, Development, and Culture in Theory and Practice...........................223Appendix 1: Methodology and Research Design.............................................................247Appendix 2: Development-Agency Initiatives for Andean Indigenous Peoples, 1990-2002.....................249Appendix 3: Professional Biographies of Teachers in Interculturalism....................................253Acronyms and Abbreviations..............................................................................257Notes...................................................................................................263Bibliography............................................................................................297Index...................................................................................................335

Chapter One

Development, Transnational Networks, and Indigenous Politics

No longer is it merely anthropologists, romantic idealists or support groups which take an interest in indigenous cultures, but also governments, UN agencies, the European Community, and the Nobel Peace Prize committee. LYDIA VAN DE FLIERT

In 1992, a group of twenty-four indigenous representatives from around the world gathered in Amsterdam to carry out a symbolic "discovery of Europe" by peoples who had been marginalized by Western conquests (van de Fliert 1994, 7). Five centuries after Columbus's arrival in the Americas, indigenous people overcame the frictions of distance and domination to proclaim their arrival on the world stage and claim a stake in emerging global politics. The articulation between indigenous politics and shifts in development thinking and networks generated a transnational social field (Vertovec 2001; Portes, Guarnizo, and Landolt 1999) in which a policy community crystallized around "ethnodevelopment" or "development-with-identity." This policy community's ideas rest on assumptions of indigenous poverty and cultural distinctiveness, and it proposes a strategy of community development that will erase this poverty while maintaining distinctiveness. Its institutional nodes comprise offices of indigenous social movements, state agencies, NGOS, multilateral organizations, and hybrid institutions that bring together members of each. The policy community's practices include project formulation, evaluation, and reporting, as well as document circulation, informal personal exchanges, conference presentations, and the allocation of funds. This chapter highlights patterns of discourse and practice concerning indigenous development and the complex relations that produce them.

International social development has been the primary arena for conceiving and debating indigenous development as a matter of policy. During the 1990s this arena was infused by notions of a neoliberal nature, joined by ideas on multiculturalism, environmentalism, and grassroots development. Contributing to this intellectual pluralism was the embedding of indigenous development in mixed-actor networks comprising a multiethnic social field in which indigenous leaders, development consultants, national NGO staff, and government officials have moved regularly across scales and borders. This transnational social field is also political, as these actors both engaged in advocacy and established policy, sometimes entangling the two. The very connectivity among ideas and organizations that inserted indigenous and cultural criteria into mainstream development also underpinned the formation of governmentalities that shaped the design and administration of specific programs.

An overview of indigenous-movement organizing and agendas in Bolivia and Ecuador provides a substantive example of what we mean by "nondiaspora transnationalism" and "reloaded boomerang." Multiscale networking takes place between actors who advocate and formulate policy for indigenous development. A genealogy of social-development thinking allows us to see the ways in which indigenous issues are incorporated into development policy. And by examining the inter-institutional administration of ostensibly pro-indigenous development policies, we can see how this administration appropriates and deploys altered notions of the relationship between development and culture. Such administration opens spaces for indigenous participation and innovative development practices but also fixes such spaces in potentially constraining ways.

Indigenous Movements in Bolivia and Ecuador

Indigenous people have long been significant in processes of nation and state building in the Andes, but only recently have they overcome the "ventriloquism" of more powerful actors to sustain their own kinds of agency. Indigenous movements in Ecuador and Bolivia have placed indigenous peoples at the political forefront through widespread organizing, ideological contest, and public protests. These actions, in turn, created new possibilities for influencing elections, policy agendas, and constitutional reform. In response, Ecuador and Bolivia have recognized collective indigenous rights, established indigenous-run education and development councils, adopted national constitutive principles based on multiethnicity and participatory democracy, and instituted accountability mechanisms such as recall referenda on elected officials (Van Cott 2000; Andolina 2003).

In Bolivia and Ecuador, nationwide indigenous organizing began in the 1970s, conditioned by corporatist political regimes and a statist development model. In each country, government policy toward indigenous groups was ambivalent. On the one hand, agrarian reform and the registration of indigenous communities provided legal support for their claims to land and communal forms of governance (Ibarra 1992; Wray 1989; Alb 1987) and in some cases led to the redistribution of landholdings to indigenous peasants. On the other hand, government policy was underpinned by racist assumptions about the inferior contributions of indigenous people to national development and the need for indigenous people to adopt national mestizo culture. This tension was replicated by the traditional Left, which sought to bring Indians into their unions and political parties. The Left...