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Ty P. Kāwika Tengan is Associate Professor of Anthropology and Ethnic Studies at the University of Hawai'i, Mānoa.

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""Native Men Remade" is a tour de force. Ty P. Kāwika Tengan combines participant observation and archival and oral history in a study of the Hale Mua, a group of Hawaiian men who have revived ancient martial arts, carving skills, and rituals. As both member and ethnographer, Tengan engages passionate debates about the 'emasculation' of Hawaiian men by colonialism and tourism, the contested place of men and women in nationalism, and feminist critiques of Hawaiian patriarchy and gender violence. For Hawaiian peoples navigating their future, he suggests there are 'more islands of hope than of despair.'"--Margaret Jolly, Head of the Gender Relations Centre, The Australian National University

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NATIVE MEN REMADE

Duke University Press

Contents

List of Illustrations.........................................................ixPreface.......................................................................xiAcknowledgments...............................................................xvIntroduction: Lele i Ka Po....................................................11. Engagements with Modernity.................................................332. Re-membering Nationhood and Koa at the Temple of State.....................653. Pu'ukohola: At the Mound of the Whale......................................934. Ka i Mua-Cast into the Men's House.........................................1255. Narrating Kanaka: Talk Story, Place, and Identity..........................163Conclusion: The Journeys of Hawaiian Men......................................199Appendix: 'Awa Talk Story at Pani, 2005.......................................219Notes.........................................................................229Glossary of Hawaiian Words....................................................239References....................................................................247Index.........................................................................267

Chapter One

In the twentieth century, the institutions of work and the military have been particularly important in the production of ideologies and practices of Hawaiian masculinities, and indeed, these prove to be some of the major themes that emerge in the life stories of the men of the Hale Mua (see chapter 5). In this chapter, I situate changes in men's status and understandings of self in a larger history of nation making, which includes the establishment of lahui, or people, nation, international recognition of the Kingdom, territorial occupation by the United States, admission as the fiftieth state, and reassertions of cultural and political identities of Hawaiian sovereignty. In the context of the present cultural nationalist movement, men's experiences with modernity have produced in some a feeling of acute alienation from indigenous history, culture, and community, and thus the Hale Mua has been constructed as a means of pushing men forward into a new understanding and experience of community that attempts to bridge the gap between modernity and tradition.

Masculinities, Nation, and Empire

Following Connell, I see masculinities, femininities, and trans- or third genders as social practices "organized in relation to a reproductive arena, defined by bodily structures and processes of human reproduction" (Connell 2005b, 71). Ortner (1996, 12-13) argues that gender is just one of the many "serious games" of social life played out in numerous arenas and by unevenly matched individuals and teams: "The effort to understand the making and unmaking of gender, as well as what gender makes, involves understanding the workings of these games as games, with their inclusions and exclusions, multiple positions, complex rules, forms of bodily activity, structures of feeling and desire, and stakes of winning, losing, or simply playing. It involves as well the question of how gender games themselves collide with, encompass, or are bent to the service of, other games, for gender is never, as they say, the only game in town" (19).

Hegemonic norms of gender, especially those of masculinity, work to naturalize inequalities and oppressions that are tied to the other "games" of race, class, nation, age, and sexuality, to name a few. Recognizing this, we must also attend to the ways that men and women access different points of privilege and subordination based on their positioning, engage in both hegemonic and marginalized practices in different contexts, and articulate new social and cultural forms over time. Gendered social actors are situated within larger sociocultural systems and structures of knowledge and power, which both shape and constrain the possibilities for action, as well as provide resources which individuals use to reproduce, negotiate, and transform those very systems (Lamphere et al. 1997; Ortner 1996).

Empire building (and dismantling) involves a reshaping of both local and global gender orders, which leads to a resituating of men and women in their relationships between and among each other (Connell 2005a; Lamphere et al. 1997). Nationalisms, whether colonial or anticolonial, tend to be structured by heteropatriarchy, configuring woman as the embodiment of tradition and mother of the nation that needs to be protected by militarized masculine men (a construction which also has no place for gay men) (Enloe 1990; Yuval-Davis and Anthias 1989). As Jolly has pointed out in Vanuatu, though, this does not preclude women from also being subjects of nationalism, though as objects and icons they are often represented as lying between tradition and modernity, albeit in different ways from men (Jolly 1997). Here, I am particularly focused on the ways in which men, as subjects and objects of the Hawaiian nation, localize macrosocial processes and discourses in their own lives and understandings of self. To do that, however, one needs some sense of what these processes are.

A New Era: Nation, Religion, and People

In 1810, with the peaceful cession of Kaua'i, the Hawai'i Island chief Kamehameha ended his twenty-eight-year campaign of conquest and became the first chief to bring the entire archipelago under control. Kamehameha established a monarchy and the lahui of Hawai'i. The ritual system that enabled and legitimated his ascent was called the 'aikapu, a religiopolitical set of laws that separated men and women during eating periods. More important, it separated the classes of ali'i (chiefs) from maka'ainana (commoners) and imbued the class of specialists known as kahuna with powerful ritual authority that could direct the political and spiritual course of events in the islands (Kame'eleihiwa 1992, 39). Within this system, a junior male chief endowed with the family god could usurp a higher-ranking ali'i, which is precisely what Kamehameha did through war, marriage, and spiritual petition (guided by kahuna) to the heavens on large-scale sacrificial heiau (temples).

On all levels, the responsibility for feeding both the family and the gods fell on the shoulders of men. They prepared food in separate imu (underground ovens) and built separate eating houses: the hale mua (front or first house) for the men and the hale 'aina (eating house) for the women and children. Certain foods (e.g., pig, coconuts, bananas, red fish) that represented the sexual power of the four major male akua (deities)-Ku, Lono, Kane, and Kanaloa-were kapu (forbidden) to women. For the commoner men, who were primarily subsistence farmers and fishers, the hale mua served as the domestic temple, and family gods were fed along with the major deities.

The hale mua was an important site for the sustenance of life and the production of masculinities in the learning of skills and stories related to fishing, farming, cooking, canoe and house building, fighting, sailing, lovemaking, fathering, and providing for the family (Handy et al. 1972, 297, 301-2; Handy and Pukui 1972, 9; Malo 1951, 27-30; 1987, 20-23). Boys between the ages of five and seven were kai mua, or "cast into the mua," and given their first malo in a ceremony that dedicated them to Lono, akua of fertility;...