Volume 1 of The Arab Spring Five Years Later is based on extensive research conducted by scholars from a variety of backgrounds, including many associated with the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). The original research papers are gathered in volume 2 and are available for readers who wish to go even further in understanding the economic background of the Arab Spring. Papers examine women's issues and agricultural practices in Morocco; urban transportation, small enterprises, governance, and inclusive planning in Egypt; reconstruction in Iraq; youth employment in Tunisia; education in Yemen; and more.
In addition to Hafez Ghanem, contributors include Mongi Boughzala (University of Tunis ElManar, Tunisia), Mohamed Tlili Hamdi (University of Sfax, Tunisia),Yuriko Kameyama (JICA), Hideki Matsunaga (JICA), Mayada Magdy (JICA), Yuko Morikawa (JICA), Akira Murata (JICA), Kei Sakamoto (JICA), Seiki Tanaka (JICA), Masanori Yoshikawa (JICA), and Takako Yuki (JICA).
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Hafez Ghanem is vice president for the Middle East and North Africa at the World Bank and a nonresident senior fellow in Global Economy and Development at the Brookings Institution. He is a former assistant director general of the UN's Food and Agriculture Organization and a former country director at the World Bank. He is coauthor of After the Spring: Economic Transitions in the Arab World and author of numerous articles on Arab economies.
Preface, vii,
Acknowledgments, xiii,
1 Egypt's Difficult Transition: Options for the International Community Hafez Ghanem, 1,
2 Introducing Inclusive Planning in Egypt Kei Sakamoto, 48,
3 Establishing Good Governance in Fragile States through Reconstruction Projects: Lessons from Iraq Seiki Tanaka and Masanori Yoshikawa, 82,
4 How to Fill the Implementation Gap for Inclusive Growth: Case Studies Covering Urban Transportation Sector Development in Egypt Hideki Matsunaga and Mayada Magdy, 106,
5 Youth Employment and Economic Transition in Tunisia Mongi Boughzala, 153,
6 The Role of Micro and Small Enterprises in Egypt's Economic Transition Hafez Ghanem, 177,
7 Jordan: The Geopolitical Service Provider Emmanuel Comolet, 207,
8 The Opportunities for and Challenges to Female Labor Force Participation in Morocco Yuko Morikawa, 240,
9 Designing Youth Employment Policies in Egypt Akira Murata, 286,
10 Improving Regional and Rural Development for Inclusive Growth in Egypt Hafez Ghanem, 313,
11 Promoting Inclusive Growth in Arab Countries: Rural and Regional Development and Inequality in Tunisia Mongi Boughzala and Mohamed Tlili Hamdi, 333,
12 Agriculture and Rural Development for Inclusive Growth and Food Security in Morocco Hafez Ghanem, 371,
13 Improving the Quality of Basic Education in Yemen for Youth in the Future Takako Yuki and Yuriko Kameyama, 395,
Contributors, 429,
Index, 431,
Egypt's Difficult Transition: Options for the International Community
Hafez Ghanem
Change is under way in Egypt. But, its end is not clear and the road ahead is likely to be long and difficult.
— Bruce K. Rutherford, Princeton University
On June 30, 2013, millions of Egyptians took to the streets demanding that their first democratically elected president, Mohamed Morsi, of the Muslim Brotherhood, step down and calling for new elections. Three days later, on July 3, the minister of defense — surrounded by the country's leading secular politicians, Salafist leaders, and the heads of Al-Azhar (the highest Islamic authority in Egypt) and of the Coptic Orthodox Christian Church — announced the president's ouster. The announcement sparked notably different responses around the country. Tahrir Square was filled with cheering crowds happy to be rid of what they considered to be an Islamist dictatorship. In other parts of Cairo, Nasr City and Ennahda Square, Brotherhood supporters started sit-ins to call for the return of the man they deemed their legitimate president.
On August 14, 2013, security forces moved to break up the Brotherhood sit-ins. Hundreds were killed. Armed clashes occurred all across the country, with more victims. Coptic churches, Christian schools, police stations, and government offices were attacked, apparently by angry Brotherhood sympathizers. At the same time, other citizens, exasperated by the Brotherhood, joined the security forces in attacking them. The new interim government closed Islamist television stations and jailed Brotherhood leaders. It also passed a stringent law governing demonstrations and even jailed some secular activists who opposed this new limitation on political freedom. Yet the violence continued. Pro-Brotherhood demonstrations did not stop, nor did police repression of the demonstrators. Moreover, antigovernment group
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