Rhetorical Economies of Whiteness examines the interplay of rhetoric, whiteness, and economics—attending not only to how economic arrangements that sustain whiteness are rhetorically enacted and legitimated but also to how rhetoric itself operates as an economy to give identities exchange value. Case studies across the volume illustrate how economic and class structures incentivize adherence to whiteness as both an identity formation and a form of symbolic capital. Some contributors investigate issues of public policy—analyzing judicial appointments, housing, and education—while others explore intersections of politics, sports, news and entertainment media, and culture. Wide-ranging, complementary methods—textual and discourse analysis, archival approaches, ethnographic interviewing and focus groups, personal narratives and storytelling—exemplify the insights gleaned from different approaches to studying intersections of race and economics across and within societies. Taken together, these essays help to explain how whiteness so quickly adapts to evade antiracist challenges and why investments in whiteness are so difficult to dislodge.
Contributors:
Godfried Asante, Robert Asen, Charles Athanasopoulos, Paulami Banerjee, Anne Bonds, Linsay M. Cramer, Derek G. Handley, V. Jo Hsu, Kelly Jensen, Casey Ryan Kelly, Kyle R. Larson, George (Guy) F. McHendry Jr., Thomas K. Nakayama, Adedoyin Ogunfeyimi, Rico Self, Stacey K. Sowards, Corinne Mitsuye Sugino
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Robert Asen is the Stephen E. Lucas Professor of Rhetoric, Politics, and Culture at University of Wisconsin-Madison. He is the author of numerous books, including School Choice and the Betrayal of Democracy: How Market-Based Education Reform Fails Our Communities, and has coedited multiple volumes, including Text + Field: Innovations in Rhetorical Method. Casey Ryan Kelly is Professor of Rhetoric and Public Culture at University of Nebraska-Lincoln. He is the author of five books, including Caught on Tape: White Masculinity and Obscene Enjoyment and Apocalypse Man: The Death Drive and the Rhetoric of White Masculine Victimhood, and has won numerous awards from the National Communication Association.
Carrying lengthy, polysemous, and often contentious histories, the three key concepts in our volume’s title—rhetoric, economy, and whiteness—function forcefully in our current era as mediators of human interaction, builders of institutions, objects of ideological conflict, sites of struggle, crafters of common cause, and sources of division. From antiquity onward, practitioners and scholars of rhetoric often have felt a burden of justification, defending the legitimacy of their efforts against characterizations of rhetoric as a “knack” and the deceptive opposite of reality. Recurring scholarly debates address the function and scope of rhetoric, whether it resides narrowly in the statements of civic leaders or circulates expansively in the constitution of our shared worlds. From a classical conception as the management of the household, and a subordinate relation to the exalted stature of the polis, economy has gained prominence as a shaper of societies and director of nations. Contemporary political leaders pledge themselves to economic growth and its attendant rewards, while business leaders and entrepreneurs present themselves as heroic innovators and stewards of prosperity. As a marker of identity, claim of superiority, and exercise of privilege, whiteness has served European and Western imperialist visions and societal hierarchies by distinguishing its qualities from the supposedly inferior knowledges, cultures, and societies of people deemed not white. On this basis, whiteness justifies exploitation, conquest, marginalization, exclusion, and recurring violence; it deploys symbolic and material resources to advance the interests of people identified as white.
In this volume, we bring together rhetoric, economy, and whiteness in a contemporary US and Western context conditioned by neoliberal regimes of governance and white supremacy to illuminate how hegemonic economic and racial structures and practices in the United States perpetuate social inequalities that shape participation in public life and frustrate efforts to enact more just alternatives. Seeking to refashion society and human relationships, as Wendy Brown suggests, “neoliberal rationality disseminates the model of the market to all domains and activities—even where money is not at issue—and configures human beings exhaustively as market actors, always, only, and everywhere as homo oeconomicus.” Affecting people, places, and possibilities, neoliberalism implicitly and explicitly modifies the meaning of economy to promote market economies and to discredit other potential economic and political alternatives. Neoliberalism idealizes market economies as sites for realizing human agency, individual freedom, and sovereign choice. Neoliberal champions in politics, culture, and society represent markets as generating innovation and excellence, justly rewarding economic winners and punishing losers. In her foundational scholarship on whiteness, Cheryl Harris critiques this tendency to regard “the ‘market value’ of the individual as the just and true assessment.”
As these processes have unfolded, public advocacy for white supremacy has gained prominence in the United States, Europe, and elsewhere in recent years. Moreover, its contemporary force circulates widely through what Eduardo Bonilla-Silva terms “color-blind racism,” through which “whites rationalize minorities’ contemporary status as the product of market dynamics, naturally occurring phenomena, and blacks’ imputed cultural limitations.” Discourses of colorblindness support ostensibly neutral norms and practices that sustain an unequal racial and, as Bonilla-Silva’s reference to “market” indicates, economic status quo. These discourses abstract individual agency and social standing from contexts and histories; they deny and deflect from structural forces shaping society to insist upon individualist explanations and assessments that legitimate existing institutions and arrangements. As Stuart Hall observes, neoliberalism depoliticizes structural inequality and bolsters market logics promoting collective resignation to racist, classist, and sexist arrangements wrought by capitalist accumulation.
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