One of the biggest problems with modern democracy is that most of the public is usually ignorant of politics and government. Often, many people understand that their votes are unlikely to change the outcome of an election and don't see the point in learning much about politics. This may be rational, but it creates a nation of people with little political knowledge and little ability to objectively evaluate what they do know.In Democracy and Political Ignorance, Ilya Somin mines the depths of ignorance in America and reveals the extent to which it is a major problem for democracy. Somin weighs various options for solving this problem, arguing that political ignorance is best mitigated and its effects lessened by decentralizing and limiting government. Somin provocatively argues that people make better decisions when they choose what to purchase in the market or which state or local government to live under, than when they vote at the ballot box, because they have stronger incentives to acquire relevant information and to use it wisely.
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Ilya Somin is a Professor at the George Mason University School of Law. Somin's work has appeared in numerous academic journals, including the Yale Law Journal and Stanford Law Review. He has also published widely in popular press outlets, such as the Los Angeles Times and The Wall Street Journal OpinionJournal.com. Somin has twice testified before the United States Senate Judiciary Committee, including at the confirmation hearings for Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor. He writes regularly for the Volokh Conspiracy blog.
| Acknowledgments............................................................ | ix |
| Introduction............................................................... | 1 |
| CHAPTER ONE The Extent of Political Ignorance............................. | 17 |
| CHAPTER TWO Do Voters Know Enough?........................................ | 38 |
| CHAPTER THREE The Rationality of Political Ignorance...................... | 62 |
| CHAPTER FOUR The Shortcomings of Shortcuts................................ | 90 |
| CHAPTER FIVE Foot voting vs. Ballot Box Voting............................ | 119 |
| CHAPTER SIX Political Ignorance and Judicial Review....................... | 155 |
| CHAPTER SEVEN Can voter Knowledge Be Increased?........................... | 170 |
| Conclusion................................................................. | 192 |
| Appendix................................................................... | 203 |
| Notes...................................................................... | 205 |
| Index...................................................................... | 255 |
The Extent of Political Ignorance
Nothing strikes the student of public opinion anddemocracy more forcefully than the paucity ofinformation most people possess about politics.
—POLITICAL SCIENTIST JOHN FEREJOHN
THE REALITY THAT MOST voters are often ignorant of even very basicpolitical information is one of the better-established findings of socialscience. Decades of accumulated evidence reinforces this conclusion.
THE PERVASIVENESS OF IGNORANCE
the sheer depth of most individual voters' ignorance may be shocking toreaders not familiar with the research. Rarely if ever is any one piece ofknowledge absolutely essential to voters. It may not matter much if mostAmericans are ignorant of one or another particular fact about politics.But the pervasiveness of ignorance about a wide range of political issuesand leaders is far more troubling.
Many examples help illustrate the point. A series of polls conductedjust before the Republican Party chose Representative Paul Ryan to betheir vice-presidential nominee in August 2012 found that 43 percentof Americans had never heard of Ryan and only 32 percent knew thathe was a member of the House of Representatives. Unlike GovernorSarah Palin in 2008, Ryan was not a relative unknown catapulted ontothe national stage by a vice-presidential nomination. As his party's leadingspokesman on budgetary and fiscal issues, he had been a prominentfigure in American politics for several years.
One of the key policy positions staked out by President Barack Obamain his successful 2012 reelection campaign was his plan to raise incometaxes for persons earning over $250,000 per year, an idea much discussedduring the campaign and supported by a large majority of the public—69percent in a December 2012 Pew Research Center poll. A February 2012survey conducted for the political newspaper The Hill actually askedrespondents what tax rates people with different income levels shouldpay. It found that 75 percent of likely voters wanted the highest-incomeearners to pay taxes lower than 30 percent of income, the top rate at thetime of the 2012 election. this inconsistency suggests that many peoplesupported increasing the tax rates of high earners because they did notrealize how high taxes were already.
Despite years of controversy over the War on terror, the Iraq War,and American relations with the Muslim world, only 32 percent ofAmericans in a 2007 survey could name "Sunni" or "Sunnis" as one of"the two major branches of Islam" whose adherents "are seeking politicalcontrol in Iraq," even though the question prompted them with thename of the other major branch (the Shiites). Such basic knowledge isnot, perhaps, essential to evaluation of U.S. policy toward the Muslimworld. But it would at least be useful.
Equally striking is the fact that in late 2003, over 60 percent of Americansdid not realize that a massive increase in domestic spending had madea substantial contribution to the recent explosion in the federal deficit.Most of the public is unaware of a wide range of important governmentprograms structured as tax deductions and payments for services. Asa result, they are also unaware of the massive extent to which most ofthese programs transfer benefits primarily to the relatively affluent.
A survey taken immediately after the closely contested November2002 congressional elections found that only about 32 percent ofrespondents knew that the Republicans had held control of the Houseof Representatives prior to the election. this result is consistent withresearch showing widespread ignorance of congressional party controlin previous elections, though usually knowledge levels were higher thanin 2002.
Such widespread ignorance is not of recent origin. As of December1994, a month after the takeover of Congress by Newt Gingrich's Republicans,57 percent of Americans had never even heard of Gingrich, whosecampaign strategy and policy stances had received massive publicity inthe immediately preceding weeks. In 1964, in the midst of the ColdWar, only 38 percent were aware that the Soviet Union was not a memberof the U.S.-led Nato alliance. Later, in 1986, the majority could notidentify Mikhail Gorbachev, the controversial new leader of the SovietUnion, by name. Much of the time, only a bare majority know whichparty has control of the Senate, some 70 percent cannot name both oftheir state's senators, and the majority cannot name any congressionalcandidate in their district at the height of a campaign.
Three aspects of voter ignorance deserve particular attention. First,many voters are ignorant not just about specific policy issues but aboutthe basic structure of government and how it operates. Majorities areignorant of such basic aspects of the U.S. political system as who has thepower to declare war, the respective functions of the three branches ofgovernment, and who controls monetary policy. A 2006 Zogby poll foundthat only 42 percent of Americans could even name the three branchesof the federal government: executive, legislative, and judicial. Another2006 survey found that only 28 percent could name two or more of thefive rights guaranteed by the First Amendment to the Constitution. A2002 Columbia University study indicated that 35 percent believed thatKarl Marx's dictum "From each according to his ability to each accordingto his need" is in the Constitution (34 percent said they did not know),and only one-third understood that a Supreme Court decision overrulingRoe v. Wade would not make abortion illegal throughout the country.
Ignorance of the structure of government suggests that voters oftennot only cannot choose between specific competing policy programs butalso cannot easily assign credit and blame for policy outcomes to theright office-holders. Ignorance of the constraints imposed on governmentby the Constitution may also give voters an inaccurate picture ofthe scope of elected officials' powers.
the...
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Trade paperback. Zustand: Very good. x, [2], 264, [2] pages. Tables. Tabular data. Appendix. Notes. Index. Inscribed by the author on the half-title page. Inscription reads For Robert Hanrahan, Ilya Somin 11/6/13. One of the biggest problems with modern democracy is that most of the public is usually ignorant of politics and government. Often, many people understand that their votes are unlikely to change the outcome of an election and don't see the point in learning much about politics. This may be rational, but it creates a nation of people with little political knowledge and little ability to objectively evaluate what they do know. In Democracy and Political Ignorance, Ilya Somin mines the depths of ignorance in America and reveals the extent to which it is a major problem for democracy. Somin weighs various options for solving this problem, arguing that political ignorance is best mitigated and its effects lessened by decentralizing and limiting government. Somin provocatively argues that people make better decisions when they choose what to purchase in the market or which state or local government to live under, than when they vote at the ballot box, because they have stronger incentives to acquire relevant information and to use it wisely. Ilya Somin is Professor of Law at George Mason University. His research focuses on constitutional law, property law, democratic theory, federalism, and migration rights. He is the author of Free to Move: Foot Voting, Migration, and Political Freedom, Democracy and Political Ignorance: Why Smaller Government is Smarter, and The Grasping Hand: Kelo v. City of New London and the Limits of Eminent Domain, coauthor of A Conspiracy Against Obamacare: The Volokh Conspiracy and the Health Care Case, and co-editor of Eminent Domain: A Comparative Perspective. Democracy and Political Ignorance has been translated into Italian and Japanese. Somin's work has appeared in numerous scholarly journals, including the Yale Law Journal, Stanford Law Review, Northwestern University Law Review, Georgetown Law Journal, Critical Review, and others. Somin has also published articles in a variety of popular press outlets, including the New York Times, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, Los Angeles Times, CNN, USA Today, US News and World Report, Legal Times, National Law Journal and Reason. He has been quoted or interviewed by the New York Times, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, Time, Newsweek, The Economist, the Christian Science Monitor, The Guardian, the Associated Press, CBS, MSNBC, NPR, BBC, Reuters, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, and the Voice of America, among other media. Somin's writings have been cited in decisions by the United States Supreme Court, multiple state supreme courts and lower federal courts, and the Supreme Court of Israel. Somin writes regularly for the popular Volokh Conspiracy law and politics blog, now affiliated with Reason magazine. From 2006 to 2013, he served as Co-Editor of the Supreme Court Economic Review, one of the country's top-rated law and economics journals. Before joining the faculty at George Mason, Somin was the John M. Olin Fellow in Law at Northwestern University Law School in 2002-2003. . Professor Somin earned his BA, Summa Cum Laude, at Amherst College, MA in Political Science from Harvard University, and JD from Yale Law School. Presumed First Paperback Edition, First printing. Artikel-Nr. 84179
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