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National Security and Immigration

STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

Contents

List of Figures.......................................................................ixList of Tables........................................................................xiAcknowledgments.......................................................................xiii1. Introduction.......................................................................12. Explaining Immigration and Border Policy Development...............................113. National Security and Immigration in the United States.............................414. National Security and Immigration in Germany.......................................865. National Security and Immigration in France........................................1266. National Security and Immigration in Great Britain.................................1667. Conclusion: Security, Sovereignty, and International Migration.....................199Notes 219Index 265

Chapter One

Ahmed Ressam boarded a ferry in Victoria, British Columbia, on December 14, 1999. Ressam had carefully stowed high explosives in the trunk of his car that he intended to detonate during the worldwide millennium celebration at Los Angeles International Airport. Using a forged Canadian passport under the name of Benni Noris, he hoped that he would avoid suspicion when he entered the United States. Fortunately, U.S. border agents in Port Angeles, Washington, became suspicious of Ressam during routine questioning and decided to search his vehicle. Although he attempted to flee on foot, agents were able to apprehend the Algerian-born terrorist and thus to avert a potential millennium disaster. Given that five hundred million people cross the border and enter the United States each year, and that it is extremely difficult to maintain strict security along the country's one hundred thousand miles of shoreline and six thousand miles of land borders, the fact that Ressam was apprehended could be considered quite remarkable. Unfortunately, we were not so fortunate in the fall of 2001: all of the 9 /11 terrorists were foreign nationals who exploited U.S. immigration and border policy to infiltrate the country and carry out their mission.

These events made two things clear: global terrorism has emerged as a central security issue the world over; and effective immigration and border control has become a necessary condition to maintain national security. That national security and control of international migration are linked is now conventional wisdom. Less recognized, however, is the fact that migration and national security have been strongly linked long before September 11 and the emergence of the global terror threat. International migration is not simply an issue of homeland security; it affects numerous facets of governance necessary for national security.

This is a book about the complex relationship that exists between national security and international migration. International migration presents the state with important choices that impact economic production and the accumulation of wealth, manpower resources that can be drawn on to defend the country, internal security, relations with other states, and the national identity-the fabric of our sense of social belonging. Given this complex mix of implications, we face an important question: How can we explain state behavior toward international migration?

My purpose is to address this important question and to provide a theoretical model of migration and border policymaking among advanced industrial states since 1945. Two primary elements are stressed: (1) I will show how the structural security environment facing states affects their decisions regarding immigration and border policies; and (2) I will show how evolving patterns of international migration can influence the national security priorities of states, broadly defined. In the process of explaining these dynamics, the interplay between realpolitik and idealpolitik-between power and interest, and ideas and norms-emerges as a central theme of the book.

Evolving Notions of Security

It has been said that September 11 "changed everything." Indeed, the emergence of a new global "war on terrorism" has significantly affected the security priorities of many countries around the world, and homeland security interests now figure prominently in foreign-policy decisions. However, in a broader sense, the two world wars of the twentieth century and the period of economic upheaval between them would seem the more pivotal in their effect on the politics of our contemporary era. The devastation left in the wake of these wars provided important lessons for international politics that was used by the architects of the postwar world order. Beginning with Franklin Delano Roosevelt's plans for great power cooperation among the world's five powers that later evolved into key international institutions such as the United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), emphasis was placed on facilitating cooperation among states. These efforts were not limited to regimes to foster collective security, but also included the economic realm, beginning with the establishment of the Bretton Woods monetary regime and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT).

Charles Kindleberger documented how the global economic and political collapse during the interwar period provided the impetus for a new postwar conventional wisdom regarding economic strategy. Isolationism and protectionism were identified as factors contributing to a downward spiral of economic depression, political instability, resurgent nationalism, and ultimately, world conflict. Such lessons provided fertile ground for the adoption of a Ricardian strategy for the accumulation of material power in the emerging postwar world order and took the form of the Bretton Woods monetary regime and the GATT trade regime. Following Ricardian principles of comparative advantage, this emergent strategy was based on the notion that liberal trade policies and laissez-faire treatment of international factor flows is a Pareto-improving endeavor, one that promises to create a "rising tide that will lift all boats" that would increase global output and increase global wealth. Large, powerful states, increasingly found it more advantageous to plumb the world market through the management of international trade and factor flows rather than attempting to secure resource stocks through military conquest. Smaller states faced similar incentives to adopt policies favoring openness and engagement rather than isolation. Given their limited resource endowments, pursuing a strategy of autarky was not a realistic option for smaller states desiring an efficient economy. In the post-WWII era, states of all sizes faced considerable pressure to trade in order to sustain an independent national existence-in other words, security.

Richard Rosecrance characterized this emergent strategy as constituting the rise of "trading states," where state power is increasingly a function of control over a global trading system rather than one based on the accumulation of power via territorial conquest. By no means does he render military affairs useless to statecraft, but he does argue that security in the trading-state world is being recast in response to long-term...