Über die Autorin bzw. den Autor

Anne-Marie Slaughter is Dean of the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and the Bert G. Kerstetter '66 University Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University. She is a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and serves on the board of the Council on Foreign Relations.

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"One of the most important issues the world must deal with today is how sovereign countries can join together to make globalization work for everyone--not just the privileged. I believe that one way we can start to achieve this is by strengthening the Finance Ministers' G-20, and perhaps advancing a similar concept to the Leaders' level. In October 2003, I met with Anne-Marie Slaughter at a meeting organized by The Centre for International Governance Innovation in Waterloo, Ontario, where we discussed this concept in great detail. At the roundtable, Ms. Slaughter presented a number of original and innovative ways to bolster the G-20. I was impressed--her ideas were a fresh approach on how the world should govern itself. I believe that it will be her type of intellectual rigour and ingenuity that will bring to fruition new ways to manage our interdependence. Ms. Slaughter's work in global governance is highly regarded amongst international development thinkers and doers. This book, reflecting years of research and experience, is both interesting and timely. As you read, think deeply about the proposed ideas, and how we can use multilateralism to solve issues that single nations cannot solve alone. Greater human understanding is crucial in order to solve complex international problems. Ms. Slaughter has proven to have a clear grasp on how to improve the situation. I urge you to read on."--Paul Martin, Prime Minister of Canada

"A brilliant analysis of global networks emerging as if guided by an invisible hand. A 'must read' for anyone puzzling over issues of governance on a world scale, Anne-Marie Slaughter's book illustrates important trends that, whether you like them or not, will make you think hard and long."--George P. Shultz, former Secretary of State

"Anne-Marie Slaughter is a visionary, and A New World Order is her manifesto. Even those who have long studied international relations will see the world differently after reading this book."--Robert O. Keohane, James B. Duke Professor of Political Science, Duke University, author of After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy

"Just when we thought America's postwar multilateralism had run out of steam, along comes this splendid book to offer a cornucopia of prescient forward-thinking about the new ties that bind us to the world."--Thomas M. Franck, New York University School of Law

"Global interdependence requires governance, but we properly fear global government. Anne-Marie Slaughter suggests an innovative solution to the dilemma. Her intelligent and highly readable book describes how global governance can occur through government networks that harness national government officials to address international problems. This book is a major contribution to an important debate."--Joseph S. Nye, Jr., author of The Paradox of American Power: Why the World's Only Superpower Can't Go It Alone

"In today's world one sees global networks everywhere, from capital markets to illegal drugs to terrorism. Now government is also going global, writes Anne-Marie Slaughter in this important and original work. Slaughter persuasively documents the rise of an organic international order based not on grand theories of world government but rather day-to-day contacts and communications among governments. She presents a vision of global governance that is practical and yet could have profound normative implications. Going well beyond the traditional confines of international law and international relations, this book will be discussed in both fields for years to come."--Fareed Zakaria, Editor, Newsweek International

"In this very ambitious, unique, and clearly written book, Anne-Marie Slaughter not only turns her focus to relatively uncharted territory but she does so with a very systematic and thoughtful analysis of not just what is going on, but why it is going on, and where it is likely to go in the future. No other book does this."--Sean D. Murphy, author of Humanitarian Intervention: The United Nations in an Evolving World Order

"This long-anticipated book represents the accumulation of more than a decade of insights by Anne-Marie Slaughter on the disaggregation of the state and the decentralization of diplomacy, the growing links across national boundaries of functionally specialized state officials, and new crossnational networks to fulfill the tasks of global governance."--Lori F. Damrosch, Columbia University, author of International Law Cases and Materials

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"One of the most important issues the world must deal with today is how sovereign countries can join together to make globalization work for everyone--not just the privileged. I believe that one way we can start to achieve this is by strengthening the Finance Ministers' G-20, and perhaps advancing a similar concept to the Leaders' level. In October 2003, I met with Anne-Marie Slaughter at a meeting organized by The Centre for International Governance Innovation in Waterloo, Ontario, where we discussed this concept in great detail. At the roundtable, Ms. Slaughter presented a number of original and innovative ways to bolster the G-20. I was impressed--her ideas were a fresh approach on how the world should govern itself. I believe that it will be her type of intellectual rigour and ingenuity that will bring to fruition new ways to manage our interdependence.

Ms. Slaughter's work in global governance is highly regarded amongst international development thinkers and doers. This book, reflecting years of research and experience, is both interesting and timely. As you read, think deeply about the proposed ideas, and how we can use multilateralism to solve issues that single nations cannot solve alone. Greater human understanding is crucial in order to solve complex international problems. Ms. Slaughter has proven to have a clear grasp on how to improve the situation. I urge you to read on."--Paul Martin, Prime Minister of Canada

"A brilliant analysis of global networks emerging as if guided by an invisible hand. A 'must read' for anyone puzzling over issues of governance on a world scale, Anne-Marie Slaughter's book illustrates important trends that, whether you like them or not, willmake you think hard and long."--George P. Shultz, former Secretary of State

"Anne-Marie Slaughter is a visionary, and "A New World Order" is her manifesto. Even those who have long studied international relations will see the world differently after reading this book."--Robert O. Keohane, James B. Duke Professor of Political Science, Duke University, author of "After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy"

"Just when we thought America's postwar multilateralism had run out of steam, along comes this splendid book to offer a cornucopia of prescient forward-thinking about the new ties that bind us to the world."--Thomas M. Franck, New York University School of Law

"Global interdependence requires governance, but we properly fear global government. Anne-Marie Slaughter suggests an innovative solution to the dilemma. Her intelligent and highly readable book describes how global governance can occur through government networks that harness national government officials to address international problems. This book is a major contribution to an important debate."--Joseph S. Nye, Jr., author of "The Paradox of American Power: Why the World's Only Superpower Can't Go It Alone"

"In today's world one sees global networks everywhere, from capital markets to illegal drugs to terrorism. Now government is also going global, writes Anne-Marie Slaughter in this important and original work. Slaughter persuasively documents the rise of an organic international order based not on grand theories of world government but rather day-to-day contacts and communications among governments. She presents a vision of global governance that is practical and yet could have profoundnormative implications. Going well beyond the traditional confines of international law and international relations, this book will be discussed in both fields for years to come."--Fareed Zakaria, Editor, "Newsweek International"

"In this very ambitious, unique, and clearly written book, Anne-Marie Slaughter not only turns her focus to relatively uncharted territory but she does so with a very systematic and thoughtful analysis of not just what is going on, but why it is going on, and where it is likely to go in the future. No other book does this."--Sean D. Murphy, author of "Humanitarian Intervention: The United Nations in an Evolving World Order"

"This long-anticipated book represents the accumulation of more than a decade of insights by Anne-Marie Slaughter on the disaggregation of the state and the decentralization of diplomacy, the growing links across national boundaries of functionally specialized state officials, and new crossnational networks to fulfill the tasks of global governance."--Lori F. Damrosch, Columbia University, author of "International Law Cases and Materials"

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A New World Order

Princeton University Press

Introduction

TERRORISTS, ARMS DEALERS, MONEY LAUNDERERS, DRUG DEALERS, TRAFFICKERS in women and children, and the modern pirates of intellectual property all operate through global networks. So, increasingly, do governments. Networks of government officials-police investigators, financial regulators, even judges and legislators-increasingly exchange information and coordinate activity to combat global crime and address common problems on a global scale. These government networks are a key feature of world order in the twenty-first century, but they are underappreciated, undersupported, and underused to address the central problems of global governance.

Consider the examples just in the wake of September 11. The Bush administration immediately set about assembling an ad hoc coalition of states to aid in the war on terrorism. Public attention focused on military cooperation, but the networks of financial regulators working to identify and freeze terrorist assets, of law enforcement officials sharing vital information on terrorist suspects, and of intelligence operatives working to preempt the next attack have been equally important. Indeed, the leading expert in the "new security" of borders and container bombs insists that the domestic agencies responsible for customs, food safety, and regulation of all kinds must extend their reach abroad, through reorganization and much closer cooperation with their foreign counterparts. And after the United States concluded that it did not have authority under international law to interdict a shipment of missiles from North Korea to Yemen, it turned to national law enforcement authorities to coordinate the extraterritorial enforcement of their national criminal laws. Networked threats require a networked response.

Turning to the global economy, networks of finance ministers and central bankers have been critical players in responding to national and regional financial crises. The G-8 is as much a network of finance ministers as of heads of state; it is the finance ministers who make key decisions on how to respond to calls for debt relief for the most highly indebted countries. The finance ministers and central bankers hold separate news conferences to announce policy responses to crises such as the East Asian financial crisis in 1997 and the Russian crisis in 1998. The G-20, a network specifically created to help prevent future crises, is led by the Indian finance minister and is composed of the finance ministers of twenty developed and developing countries. More broadly, the International Organization of Securities Commissioners (IOSCO) emerged in 1984. It was followed in the 1990s by the creation of the International Association of Insurance Supervisors and a network of all three of these organizations and other national and international officials responsible for financial stability around the world called the Financial Stability Forum.

Beyond national security and the global economy, networks of national officials are working to improve environmental policy across borders. Within the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), U.S., Mexican, and Canadian environmental agencies have created an environmental enforcement network, which has enhanced the effectiveness of environmental regulation in all three states, particularly in Mexico. Globally, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and its Dutch equivalent have founded the International Network for Environmental Compliance and Enforcement (INECE), which offers technical assistance to environmental agencies around the world, holds global conferences at which environmental regulators learn and exchange information, and sponsors a website with training videos and other information.

Nor are regulators the only ones networking. National judges are exchanging decisions with one another through conferences, judicial organizations, and the Internet. Constitutional judges increasingly cite one another's decisions on issues from free speech to privacy rights. Indeed, Justice Anthony Kennedy of the U.S. Supreme Court cited a decision by the European Court of Justice (ECJ) in an important 2003 opinion overturning a Texas antisodomy law. Bankruptcy judges in different countries negotiate minitreaties to resolve complicated international cases; judges in transnational commercial disputes have begun to see themselves as part of a global judicial system. National judges are also interacting directly with their supranational counterparts on trade and human rights issues.

Finally, even legislators, the most naturally parochial government officials due to their direct ties to territorially rooted constituents, are reaching across borders. International parliamentary organizations have been traditionally well meaning though ineffective, but today national parliamentarians are meeting to adopt and publicize common positions on the death penalty, human rights, and environmental issues. They support one another in legislative initiatives and offer training programs and technical assistance.

Each of these networks has specific aims and activities, depending on its subject area, membership, and history, but taken together, they also perform certain common functions. They expand regulatory reach, allowing national government officials to keep up with corporations, civic organizations, and criminals. They build trust and establish relationships among their participants that then create incentives to establish a good reputation and avoid a bad one. These are the conditions essential for long-term cooperation. They exchange regular information about their own activities and develop databases of best practices, or, in the judicial case, different approaches to common legal issues. They offer technical assistance and professional socialization to members from less developed nations, whether regulators, judges, or legislators.

In a world of global markets, global travel, and global information networks, of weapons of mass destruction and looming environmental disasters of global magnitude, governments must have global reach. In a world in which their ability to use their hard power is often limited, governments must be able to exploit the uses of soft power: the power of persuasion and information. Similarly, in a world in which a major set of obstacles to effective global regulation is a simple inability on the part of many developing countries to translate paper rules into changes in actual behavior, governments must be able not only to negotiate treaties but also to create the capacity to comply with them.

Understood as a form of global governance, government networks meet these needs. As commercial and civic organizations have already discovered, their networked form is ideal for providing the speed and flexibility necessary to function effectively in an information age. But unlike amorphous "global policy networks" championed by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, in which it is never clear who is exercising power on behalf of whom, these are networks composed of national government officials, either appointed by elected officials or directly elected themselves. Best of all, they can perform many of the functions of a world government-legislation, administration, and adjudication-without the form.

Understood as a foreign policy option, a world of government networks, working alongside and even within traditional international organizations, should be particularly attractive to the United States. The United States has taken the lead in insisting that many international problems have domestic roots and that they be addressed at that level-within nations rather than simply between them-but it is also coming to understand the vital need to address those problems multilaterally rather than unilaterally, for reasons of legitimacy, burden sharing, and effectiveness. As will be further discussed below, government networks could provide multilateral support for domestic government institutions in failed, weak, or transitional states. They could play an instrumental role in rebuilding a country like Iraq and in supporting and reforming government institutions in other countries that seek to avoid dictatorship and self-destruction.

Further, government networks cast a different light on U.S. power, one that is likely to engender less resentment worldwide. They engage U.S. officials of all kinds with their foreign counterparts in settings in which they have much to teach but also to learn and in which other countries can often provide powerful alternative models. In many regulatory areas, such as competition policy, environmental policy, and corporate governance, the European Union attracts as many imitators as the United States. In constitutional rights, many judges around the world have long followed U.S. Supreme Court decisions but are now looking to the South African or the Canadian constitutional courts instead.

Where a U.S. regulatory, judicial, or legislative approach is dominant, it is likely to be powerful through attraction rather than coercion-exactly the kind of soft power that Joseph Nye has been exhorting the United States to use. This attraction flows from expertise, integrity, competence, creativity, and generosity with time and ideas-all characteristics that U.S. regulators, judges, and legislators have exhibited with their foreign counterparts. And where the United States is not dominant, its officials can show that they are in fact willing to listen to and learn from others, something that the rest of the world seems increasingly to doubt.

Yet to see these networks as they exist, much less to imagine what they could become, requires a deeper conceptual shift. Stop imagining the international system as a system of states-unitary entities like billiard balls or black boxes-subject to rules created by international institutions that are apart from, "above" these states. Start thinking about a world of governments, with all the different institutions that perform the basic functions of governments-legislation, adjudication, implementation-interacting both with each other domestically and also with their foreign and supranational counterparts. States still exist in this world; indeed, they are crucial actors. But they are "disaggregated." They relate to each other not only through the Foreign Office, but also through regulatory, judicial, and legislative channels.

This conceptual shift lies at the heart of this book. Seeing the world through the lenses of disaggregated rather than unitary states allows leaders, policymakers, analysts, or simply concerned citizens to see features of the global political system that were previously hidden. Government networks suddenly pop up everywhere, from the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), a network of finance ministers and other financial regulators taking charge of pursuing money launderers and financers of terrorism, to the Free Trade Commission, a network of trade ministers charged with interpreting NAFTA, to a network of ministers in charge of border controls working to create a new regime of safe borders in the wake of September 11. At the same time, it is possible to disaggregate international organizations as well, to see "vertical networks" between national regulators and judges and their supranational counterparts. Examples include relations between national European courts and the ECJ or between national U.S., Mexican, and Canadian courts and NAFTA arbitral tribunals.

Equally important, these different lenses make it possible to imagine a genuinely new set of possibilities for a future world order. The building blocks of this order would not be states but parts of states: courts, regulatory agencies, ministries, legislatures. The government officials within these various institutions would participate in many different types of networks, creating links across national borders and between national and supranational institutions. The result could be a world that looks like the globe hoisted by Atlas at Rockefeller Center, crisscrossed by an increasingly dense web of networks.

This world would still include traditional international organizations, such as the United Nations and the World Trade Organization (WTO), although many of these organizations would be likely to become hosts for and sources of government networks. It would still feature states interacting as unitary states on important issues, particularly in security matters. And it would certainly still be a world in which military and economic power mattered; government networks are not likely to substitute for either armies or treasuries.

At the same time, however, a world of government networks would be a more effective and potentially more just world order than either what we have today or a world government in which a set of global institutions perched above nation-states enforced global rules. In a networked world order, primary political authority would remain at the national level except in those cases in which national governments had explicitly delegated their authority to supranational institutions. National government officials would be increasingly enmeshed in networks of personal and institutional relations. They would each be operating both in the domestic and the international arenas, exercising their national authority to implement their transgovernmental and international obligations and representing the interests of their country while working with their foreign and supranational counterparts to disseminate and distill information, cooperate in enforcing national and international laws, harmonizing national laws and regulations, and addressing common problems.

THE GLOBALIZATION PARADOX: NEEDING MORE GOVERNMENT AND FEARING IT

Peoples and their governments around the world need global institutions to solve collective problems that can only be addressed on a global scale. They must be able to make and enforce global rules on a variety of subjects and through a variety of means. Further, it has become commonplace to claim that the international institutions created in the late 1940s, after a very different war and facing a host of different threats from those we face today, are outdated and inadequate to meet contemporary challenges. They must be reformed or even reinvented; new ones must be created.

Yet world government is both infeasible and undesirable. The size and scope of such a government presents an unavoidable and dangerous threat to individual liberty. Further, the diversity of the peoples to be governed makes it almost impossible to conceive of a global demos. No form of democracy within the current global repertoire seems capable of overcoming these obstacles.

This is the globalization paradox. We need more government on a global and a regional scale, but we don't want the centralization of decision-making power and coercive authority so far from the people actually to be governed. It is the paradox identified in the European Union by Renaud Dehousse and by Robert Keohane in his millennial presidential address to the American Political Science Association. The European Union has pioneered "regulation by networks," which Dehousse describes as the response to a basic dilemma in EU governance: "On the one hand, increased uniformity is certainly needed; on the other hand, greater centralization is politically inconceivable, and probably undesirable." The EU alternative is the "transnational option"-the use of an organized network of national officials to ensure "that the actors in charge of the implementation of Community policies behave in a similar manner."

Worldwide, Keohane argues that globalization "creates potential gains from cooperation" if institutions can be created to harness those gains; however, institutions themselves are potentially oppressive. The result is "the Governance Dilemma: although institutions are essential for human life, they are also dangerous." The challenge facing political scientists and policymakers at the dawn of the twenty-first century is discovering how well-structured institutions could enable the world to have "a rebirth of freedom."

Addressing the paradox at the global level is further complicated by the additional concern of accountability. In the 1990s the conventional reaction to the problem of "world government" was instead to champion "global governance," a much looser and less threatening concept of collective organization and regulation without coercion. A major element of global governance, in turn, has been the rise of global policy networks, celebrated for their ability to bring together all public and private actors on issues critical to the global public interest.

(Continues...)

Excerpted from A New World Orderby Anne-Marie Slaughter Copyright © 2004 by Princeton University Press. Excerpted by permission.
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