Assesses the sweeping, frequently dangerous, impact of the global corporation for the nation, the citizen, the worker, and the economy, while looking at the tension between corporate needs and the interests of society and the repercussions of specific corporate decisions, including outsourcing, for American workers. 20,000 first printing.
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Barry C. Lynn is a fellow at the New American Foundation in Washington, D.C. He has reported on business from around the world and served as the executive editor of Global Business magazine for seven years. His views have been sought by U.S. politicians as well as by the governments of France, Japan, India, and other nations. His work has been supported by the Rockefeller Foundation. He lives in Washington, D.C., with his wife and two children.
Chapter One
THE OLD WEST
Running from Japan
He had been called an “ax murderer,” a “hitman,” the “grand inquisitor.” But the first public appearance in America by the man tapped to save General Motors, Jose Ignacio Lopez de Arriortua, revealed an executive who knew exactly what his audience wanted to hear, and who seemed a little goofy besides. “We are in a war,” Lopez declared to an audience of GM executives and reporters in Saginaw, Michigan. The fight was “to save the auto industry and our lives,” to keep “our sons and daughters” from becoming “second-class citizens” in the global economy. “We must act. We must win. We cannot afford to lose.”(1)
It was August 1992, and America’s carmakers had for years longed for a savior in their battle against the Japanese. Lopez seemed the perfect man for the role. A native of Spain’s gnarly northern Basque region, the fifty-one-year-old Lopez was dark, wiry, electric, and he came to the job with a reputation as a visionary who could turn vicious. In a twelve-year career with GM in Europe, he had earned such nicknames as “Lopez the Terrible,” “Hurricane Lopez,” and “The Spaniard Who Makes the Germans Tremble.” And he had delivered, slashing the cost of the parts that went into General Motors’ European cars. Best of all, he bragged that he had improved on Japan’s vaunted and seemingly invulnerable manufacturing model, adding “scientific method” to Japanese “intuition.” Yet Lopez also exuded a quirky charm. In Saginaw, he told reporters that his role model was Mother Teresa, whom he called a “great service provider.” He explained that he and his staff had moved their watches from their left wrists to their right and that they planned to keep them there until GM reported “record profits.” The point, he said, was to feel “something like pain.”(2)
Financial pain was exactly what General Motors had been feeling for years. In 1991, the company had lost some $7 billion in North America, and the erosion of GM’s share of its home market was accelerating. The crisis had become so bad that GM had taken to acting out of character. The world’s largest corporation, the company had long been famous– and increasingly infamous–for the extreme deliberation with which top management made decisions. Yet in April, GM’s board had staged an unprecedented coup, abruptly dumping CEO Robert Stempel after less than two years on the job. In his place the board named Jack Smith, the head of GM’s European operations. And Smith came loaded with Lopez, who had been one of his key lieutenants in GM’s European headquarters in Zurich.(3)
Lopez took little time in making a name for himself in his newly created job as GM’s purchasing czar, mainly by forcing suppliers to cut their prices drastically if they wanted to keep GM’s business. Though he was virtually unknown in America when tapped for the job in April, by August BusinessWeek was able to write that “not since Ralph Nader has one man so shaken Detroit.” Autoworkers and suppliers quickly came to regard Lopez as more akin to the Grim Reaper, and the UAW quickly responded to Lopez’s all-out assault on suppliers with a nine-day strike in Lordstown, Ohio, which ultimately forced the shutting of seven big plants. The owners and managers of the supply firms seemed no happier, though they dared not criticize Lopez openly. Yet for many Americans, after years of bad news about the failings of the country’s manufacturers, Lopez seemed a welcome, even bracing, change. And he certainly made great copy.
However much he bragged of the rationality of his methods, Lopez also injected a rather pre-Enlightenment ethic into the climate-controlled corridors of General Motors. His procurement team, he said, was made up not of midmanagers but “warriors.” On-target bids by suppliers were welcomed not with congratulatory memos but loud shouts and pounding on tables. Lopez reminisced of his peasant upbringing, and claimed inspiration from his “namesake” St. Ignatius de Loyola, the founder of the Jesuits and a fellow Vizcayan. He arrived at work at 6:30 A.M., stayed fifteen hours, worked weekends. To journalists, he lamented how much he missed his wife and three daughters, how he had lost weight since taking the job in Detroit. USA Today published a copy of his “Warrior Diet,” reporting that “its popularity is growing at General Motors.” The diet was designed to provide “maximum energy” for long days. “You may eat meat, seafood, cheese–whatever you like,” Lopez told the reporter. “But don’t combine them with vegetables or salad.”(4)
The Lopez regime seemed the perfect prescription for America in the early 1990s. In the popular imagination, American manufacturers had grown lazy and fat, and now an ascetic visionary had arrived to preach austerity. And he did it in a language Americans understood. Lopez seemed able to translate the secrets of Japanese-style manufacturing into America’s rougher culture. Japanese companies may boast about how they provide “lifetime employment” to their employees, who are treated as members of “teams,” who wear spotless uniforms, who gather in the morning for calisthenics. Lopez instead prescribed a good old-fashioned American-style cracking of the whip. And sometimes his methods came to seem like a Detroit-style gang rumble. As the sales manager for one supplier put it, Lopez “hits you over the head with a two-by-four and starts you bleeding.” But it was all for your own good. Once Lopez had captured your attention, the sales manager said, he then “helps you heal.” And Lopez also seemed to understand that the American appetite for flagellation is limited. So he tossed out bonbons of praise for the American worker, along with chunks of raw meat, assailing the Japanese as well as anyone. “Japanese competition is unfair,” he said. “We mustn’t be naïve [and] give advantages to someone withough receiving anything" in return.(5)
Lopez’s success ultimately would have to be measured not in the American press but on the factory floor and on GM’s bottom line. By almost all accounts, he did exactly what he was hired to do. Within a year, General Motors had cut some $4 billion in costs, and upon Smith’s retirement in 2003, Lopez was still receiving much of the credit for GM’s strong performance in the intervening ten years. Yet Lopez’s real importance was due to much more than a simple cost-cutting campaign. Rather, it was the shift in attention from the assembly line to the “chain” of supplies that fed onto the factory floor. For much of the 1980s, American executives who fretted about competitiveness focused much of their attention on the efficiency of their great assembly plants. Debates centered on the arrangement of machines, the number of robots to put on the line, the integration of computer controls, the ability of managers to tap into the knowledge of their workers.(6)
Now Lopez put on the table an even more formidable issue–how to improve the workings of the suppliers. The scope of the task was immense: Up to 90 percent of the value of any product is created before the final assembly process, and the manufacturing of parts and components is often scattered among hundreds of small plants. And so, too, the inertia. For more than a half century,...
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